The great poet/singer/songwriter and griot Gil Scott-Heron was an artist who had a significant influence, consciously and unconsciously, on the life of Tupac as a progressive musician. Gil demonstrated how one could turn the people’s misconception around as to political and social discourse, and force them to change the paradigm of their existence in a very fundamental way through engagement and artistic sound. I have many great memories of Tupac basking to the rhythm and poetic scats of Gil’s Midnight Band featuring Brian Jackson, and my comrade and co-defendant Bilal Sunni-Ali, who played the saxophone in the group. Gil and the Midnight Band performed protest songs and rapped “Free Geronimo”, and all the other Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War. Gil and the Midnight Band never turned down a request from the Movement to support our benefits for Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War or the Black Liberation Army. Gil and the Band’s predictability always ensured the event would get top billing and mass attendance. Gil never failed to make a critical critique of our people’s illusions of what it would take to continue the struggle and survive. During the 70′s he would sing “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised”; that we must not let our personal doubts and the intensity of the struggle drive us to “the bottle,” which he knew well. Regardless of that bottle, he fought a continuous struggle for the people many days.

Tupac, Sekyiwa, Mopreme and their little crew, who are apart of our extended family, (which included Bilal, Fulani, and Ahmed’s children, Shaka Zulu and Aiyisha; Twyman Myers son Kamau; Abdul Majid’s and Malika’s children, Suleiman, Malikah, and Malik; Sekou Odinga’s children, Afeni, Khadifah, Honchi and Malik; along with so many others that need to be mentioned but we don’t have the space for all of the “cousins”) would station themselves around the stage at the events, be it at the Apollo Theater in Harlem, the 369th Street Armory, or in Washington D.C. at Malcolm X Park. At these events Tupac, with the sons and daughters of our fallen and underground soul-jah’s, would sing at the top of there voice chanting down to fallen heroes and disappeared family members, knowing that their small strong voices, beats, lyrics, and songs would reach deep into souls transmitting their emotions, love, and spiritual protection from such young children of conflict. This is what Gil Scott-Heron offered our children, much like Tupac would do for a generation later. Gil introduced many to the existence of our Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War, and the urban guerrilla, at the risk of his career; and the wrath and consequences of the government.

The recognition of Father’s Day generally occurs on, or near Tupac’s birthday. The transition of Geronimo ji Jaga in the dawn of Tupac’s 40th birthday is a clear sign that the life forces connect the divide of our generations, in that recognizing these two martyrs, of both generations, form a unity of purpose.

In the spirit of Ahmed Evans of Cleveland, Ohio, it was Brother “G” who pushed we must always prepare to defend our goals, communities, and most importantly, our people, when the government and it’s agents were involved in extra illegal tactics of civil hostility, advanced by Low Intensity Warfare in the 60′s and 70’s.

Brother “G” was Godfather to Tupac and Sekyiwa. As my comrade he stepped in when I was forced to go underground to evade capture, a position he’d also personally experienced. The traumatic impact of my absence on my children, (in-fact, all children of the underground comrades) needed a person to translate the events, so that our minor children could be prepared to understand what lay ahead, and have some way to understand it.

At Afeni’s request, our Brother fulfilled the task as a heartfelt obligation, with enthusiasm, tenderness, and love. It was “G”s leadership and practices that helped to strengthen Tupac’s strong perspective of loyalty, a Shakur family tradition. The love for the Shakur Tribe was based upon the practice of never abandoning our comrades, a tradition that Tupac sometimes applied to a fault. Pac articulated this lesson in a verse, “I ride for Mutulu like I ride for Geronimo.”

On Brother “G’s” knee at San Quentin and Folsom, Pac and Sekyiwa were told of the intricacies of COINTELPRO and government set-ups of Black/New Afrikan Freedom Fighters. Tupac’s love for “G” emerged early, because he could get the explanations he could depend on.

In the past era, we were chanting Free Huey Newton, Free Brother Fred Hampton or Free The Panther 21. It was different for the children in our homes. The “cousins” during Kwanzaa would chant Free Geronimo, Free Aunt Assata or Free Sundiata. So in my absence, even tough it was very hard for them, the role “G” played can never be underestimated. Our love for him is so strong in the full scope of life. Sometimes our revolutionary responsibilities create conflict in our own personal reality. Each of our generations has to erase the divide to evolve a strong mass base to win the freedom of our Exiles, Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War. Be it a Truth and Reconciliation Tribunal, like they had in South Africa, which freed their freedom fighters, or something else. It’s the only way our Brother “G’s” impact can be fully understood. Following the Brother’s release from prison, after serving 27 years, true to form, he went home to build a campaign to free the comrades in his Southern Cadre, who had been left outside of the Left and the media – the Angola Three: Brother’s Albert Woodfox, Herman Wallace, and Robert King.
In the quagmire of ideological struggle, “G” embraced the concept of “Freeing The Land,” as unrealistic as it may sound today, it was a rallying cry for many, which appealed to comrade Geronimo’s Southern up bringing. It respected the land and it’s role in our lives.

The historical importance of Geronimo ji Jaga’s impact on the movement was very practical; in fact, it was invaluable in that era to saving the lives of the activists engaged in the struggle during the 60′s, a decade of “long hot summers,” a term used for urban revolt (riots). The government’s military confronted and tried to intimidate Black communities. The ghettos’ undermining of the economic potential, these attacks expose internationally, images that paralleled South Africa’s apartheid system, and there-by demolishing the shine of America’s “light on the hill” propaganda.

So the government changed their strategy and implemented the tactics of Low Intensity Warfare developed for and by J. Edgar Hoover’s COINTELPRO program, with state and federal support of targeted assassinations of movement leaders and foot soldiers, who were unknown by the public. Government agents did anything at that time to attack the operational predictability and legitimacy of our food, medical and housing programs.

Yes, they had some very important victories, with the government’s assassination of Bunchy Carter, John Huggins, Sandra “Red” Pratt, Chairman Fred Hampton, Mark Clark, Robert Webb, and Sam Napier. This campaign to eliminate key leaders and soldiers also included the attempted assassination of two Presidents of the Provisional Government of the Republic New Africa, Brother Gaidi in the New Bethel incident during 1969, and Brother Imari Obadele, in Mississippi during 1971. I could go on, and on, and on. This provides the color of the times in which Brother Geronimo developed a two-stage strategy for self-defense – for public operations/events/programs and clandestine maneuvers – to evade capture and/or assassination. He argued it was the tradition and right of our people to protect themselves, the same position Brother Malcolm X espoused.

The older cadre were very familiar with the courageous acts of the Deacons for Defense, in Louisiana and Mississippi; Brother Ahmed Evans and Robert F. Williams of the Revolutionary Action Movement – which later evolved into what we generally referred to as the Black Panthers; and the Black Power era. Many of the old lessons were lost in transition. Within a relatively short period of “G”s functioning in the public and service operations, his two principle strategies were implemented, with the same expertise in training and tactics he returned home with from Vietnam. With lightning speed and great personal sacrifice, the Field Marshall readied units in the Southern, Western, and Eastern sectors of the country in training – installing a fundamental practice of self-defense as a principle.

The government’s targeting of Brother Geronimo on false charges only served to shine a light on his tremendous personality, humanity, and example. The government’s actions confirmed for many who had doubts or lacked the historical analysis, that our forces were not just paranoid. But were in fact facing the same tactics used against targeted leaders of movements and governments around the world by their enemies. The onslaught of viciousness in their tactics and strategy justified the actions of many who opted for a clandestine lifestyle, where a fair trial and peaceful surrender were an illusion.

These three short weeks have focused our past and present generations. With the passing of these icons who were essential leaders of the Black Liberation Struggle that recognized armed defense of our people. The spreading of the protest songs and slogans were undeniably important and impactful. We will always remember that the spirit of the struggle continues, but it “will not be televised”. There is no truth, but the truth we all must search for. Therefore, we must still maintain our obligation to give recognition to the lives of Geronimo ji Jaga, Gil Scott- Heron and Tupac Shakur. We hope that they are all together reviewing the impact they had on our spirit, humanity, fortitude and the “get down” of self- determination.

May we never forget their sacrifices, because we all have benefited. Our children will teach the future generation, for they are freer because of them, if not in fact, at least they have freer will.

Now, like the baby birds being taught to hunt and fly as they face their first flight into the unknown of the blue sky, “G’s” teachings and training moved us from the theory of Black Power and Self-Determination to Self-Defense – if we so choose. We know he’ll fly into the unknown, knowing he did all he could. He was our hero to “Free the Land”. Now the prodigy, like a phoenix has flown into the sky by way of the African ocean, he joins the other martyrs of our struggle…gone before. Job well done brother. We’re not alone.

Long live the spirits of Geronimo, Gill Scott-Heron, Donald Cox, Cetewayo, Shaheem Jabbar, ShaSha Brown, Marilyn Buck, Filiberto Ojeda-Rios and all the rest of the soldiers that have made transition.

Stiff Resistance
Mutulu Shakur

Dare 2 Struggle CD
Available on Tupac’s 35th birthday, June 16th, 2006.

Mutulu’s Video Mixtape
Listen to “Dare 2 Struggle” preview featuring Dr. Shakur’s son Mopreme, Tupac’s crew the Outlawz, and more at: ThugLifeArmy.com

Interview About Tupac 
Read Dr. Shakur’s new interview about Tupac at: ThugLifeArmy.com

Tupac’s Birthday Bash featured a performance by Mopreme, honored Dr. Shakur and was a major event! Read More »

Tupac Resurrection DVD
Visit the official web site about the Oscar nominated documentary about Dr. Shakur’s son Tupac!

Thug Angel DVD
Transcription of Dr. Shakur’s video interview about Tupac for the QD3 “Thug Angel” documentary.

The ‘Thug Life’ and ‘Outlawz’ groups formed by Dr. Shakur’s son Tupac announce a new 10th anniversary tour!

Mopreme (of Thug Life) with his brother Tupac and the Outlawz

Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin # 99974-555
USP Florence ADMAX
P.O. Box 8500
Florence, CO 81226
Birthday: October 4, 1943

Sekou Odinga #05228-054
USP Florence ADMAX
P.O. Box 8500
Florence, CO 81226
Birthday: June 17, 1944

Russell Maroon Shoats #AF-3855
SCI Greene, 175 Progress Drive
Waynesburg, PA 15370
Birthday: August 23, 1943

Mumia Abu-Jamal #AM 8335
SCI-Greene, 175 Progress Drive
Waynesburg, PA 15370
Birthday: April 24, 1954

Sundiata Acoli #39794-066
USP Allenwood, P.O. Box 3000
White Deer, PA 17887
Birthday: January 14, 1937

Freddie Hilton (Kamau Sadiki) #0001150688
Augusta State Medical Prison, Bldg 13A-2 E7
3001 Gordon Highway
Grovetown, GA 30812-3809

Bashir Hameed/York #82-A-6313
Great Meadow Correctional Facility
Box 51
Comstock, New York 12821
Birthday: December 1, 1940

Richard Mafundi Lake #079972
Donaldson Correctional Facility
100 Warrior Lane
Bessemer, AL 35023-7299

Charles Simms Africa #AM4975
SCI Graterford, Box 244
Graterford PA 19426
Birthday: April 7, 1956

Delbert Orr Africa #AM4985
SCI Dallas Drawer K
Dallas, PA 18612
Birthday: June 21, 1951

Edward Goodman Africa #AM4974
301 Morea Road
Frackville, PA 17932
Birthday: October 21, 1949

Janet Holloway Africa #006308
451 Fullerton Ave
Cambridge Springs, PA 16403-1238
Birthday: April 13, 1951

Janine Phillips Africa #006309
451 Fullerton Ave
Cambridge Springs, PA 16403-1238
Birthday: April 25, 1956

Michael Davis Africa #AM497
SCI Graterford Box 244,
Graterford, PA 19426-0244
Birthday: October 6, 1955

William Phillips Africa #AM4984
SCI Dallas Drawer K
Dallas, PA 18612
Birthday: January 1, 19565

Debbie Sims Africa #006307
451 Fullerton Ave
Cambridge Springs, PA 16403-1238
Birthday: August 4, 1956

Gary Tyler # 84156
Louisiana State Penitentiary
ASH-4
Angola LA 70712

Herman Wallace #76759
CCR Upper E # 4
Louisiana State Penitentiary
Angola, LA 70712
Birthday: October 13, 1941

Gary Watson #098990
Unit SHU17, Delaware Correctional Center,
1181 Paddock Road, Smyrna, DE 19977

Albert Woodfox #72148
TU/CCR U/B#13
Louisiana State Penitentiary
Angola LA 70712
Birthday: February 19, 1947

Herman Bell 2318931
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103
Birthday: January 14, 1948

Marshall Eddie Conway #116469
MD. Correctional Training Center
18800 Roxbury Rd.
Hagerstown, MD 21746
Birthday: April 23, 1946

Leonard Peltier #89637-132
USP Lewisburg
P.O. Box 1000
Lewisburg, PA 17837
Birthday: September 12, 1944

Haki Malik Abdullah (s/n Michael Green) # C-56123
PO Box 3456
Corcoran, CA 93212

Zolo Azania #4969
Indiana State Prison
P.O. Box 41
Michigan City, IN 46361
Birthday: December 12, 1954

Haydée Beltrán Torres #88462-024
SCI Tallahassee
501 Capitol Circle NE
Tallahassee, FL 32031

Kojo Bomani Sababu
(Grailing Brown) #39384-066
USP Victorville
P.O. Box 5500
Adelanto, CA 92301

Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom) #2311826
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103
Birthday: October 18, 1951

Ray Boudreaux 2301300
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103

Richard Brown 2300819
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103

Veronza Bowers #35316-136
FCC Medium C-1
P.O. Box 1032,
Coleman FL 33521-1032
Birthday: February 4

Rubén Campa #58738-004
(envelope addessed to Rubén Campa
letter addressed to Fernando Gonzáles)
F.C.I. Oxford, P.O. Box 1000,
Oxford WI 53952-05057
Birthday: August 18, 1963

Romaine “Chip” Fitzgerald #B-27527
Centinela State Prison
FC-2-110
PO Box 921
Imperial, CA 92251

William Gilday # W33537
MCI Shirley
PO Box 1218
Shirley, MA 01464-1218

David Gilbert #83A6158
Clinton Correctional Facility
Main P.O. Box 2001,
Dannemora, NY 12929
Birthday: October 6, 1944

René González #58738-004
FCI Marianna, P.O. Box 7007
Marianna, FL 32447-7007
Birthday: August 13, 1956

Antonio Guerrero #58741-004
U.S.P. Florence, P.O. Box 7500
Florence CO 81226
Birthday: October 18, 1958

Eddie Hatcher #0173499
PO Box 909
Taylorsville NC 28681

Robert Seth Hayes #74-A-2280
Wende Correctional Facility
Wende Rd., PO Box 1187
Alden, NY 14004-1187
Birthday: October 15, 1948

Alvaro Luna Hernández #255735
Hughes Unit, Rt. 2, Box 4400
Gatesville, TX 76597
Birthday: May 12, 1952

Gerardo Hernández #58739-004
U.S.P. Victorville
P.O. Box 5500
Adelanto, CA 92301
Birthday: July 4, 1965

Henry W. (Hank) Jones 2301301
425 Seventh Street,
San Francisco CA 94103

Sekou Kambui (William Turk) #113058
Box 56, SCC (B1-21),
Elmore, AL 36025-0056
Birthday: September 6, 1948

Mohamman Geuka Koti 80A-0808
354 Hunter Street
Ossining, NY 10562-5442

Jaan Karl Laaman #W41514
Box 100,
South Walpole, MA 02071-0100
Birthday: March 21, 1948

Mondo We Langa (David Rice) #27768
Nebraska State Penitentiary
P.O. Box 2500
Lincoln, NE 68542
Birthday: May 21, 1947

Maliki Shakur Latine # 81-A-4469
Great Meadow Correctional Facility
P.O. Box 51
Comstock, New York 12821

Oscar López Rivera #87651-024
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 12015
Terre Haute, IN 47801
Birthday: January 6, 1943

Jeffrey Luers (Free) #13797671
OSP, 2605 State Street,
Salem, OR 97310
Birthday: December 5

Ojore Lutalo # 59860
PO Box 861, #901548
Trenton NJ 08625
Birthday: August 6

Ruchell Cinque Magee # A92051
3A2-131 Box 3471
C.S.P. Corcoran, CA 93212

Abdul Majid (Anthony Laborde) #83-A-0483
Drawer B, Green Haven Correctional Facility
Stormville, NY 12582-0010
Birthday: June 25, 1949

Luís Medina #58734-004
(envelope is addressed to Luis Medina
letter to Ramón Labañino)
U.S.P. Beaumont, P.O. Box 26030,
Beaumont TX 77720-6035
Birthday: June 9, 1963

Richard O’Neal 2300818
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103

Hugo “Dahariki” Pinell # A88401
SHU D3-221
P.O. Box 7500
Crescent City, CA 95531-7500
www.hugopinell.org
Birthday: March 10, 1945

Ed Poindexter # 27767
Nebraska State Penitentiary
P.O. Box 2500
Lincoln, NE 68542
Birthday: November 1, 1944

Luis V. Rodríguez # C33000
Mule Creek State Prison
P.O. Box 409000
Ione, CA 95640

Hanif Shabazz Bey
(Beaumont Gereau) #295933
Keen Mountain Correctional Center
P.O. Box 860
Oakwood, Virginia 24631
Birthday: August 16, 1950

Byron Shane Chubbuck #07909-051
USP Beaumont
P. O. Box 26030
Beaumont, TX 77720
Birthday: February 26, 1967

Harold Taylor 2305584
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103

Carlos Alberto Torres #88976-024
FCI Oxford, P.O. Box 1000,
Oxford, WI 53952
Birthday: September 19, 1952

Francisco Torres 2307534
San Francisco County Jail
850 Bryant St.
San Francisco CA 94103

Int: You’ve done a lot of organizing around African-American history and awareness since you entered prison. How has that played out?

Shakur: Let me say this. The situation that we’re talkin’ about now is a part of a litigation. And the litigation has to do with First Amendment violations, false information which effects the liberty, interest, as well as a right to petition government for relief. A part of my political history, and commitment to the struggle of Black people, encompasses the struggle for human rights. When I was captured, tried, and was convicted, nothing in my personal life altered in my defense of myself. You follow me? And therefore when I became a. prisoner and was sent to federal prisons, I felt then an obligation to be conscious about what human rights activities as well as what responsibilities I had to a younger population of Black prisoners, Latin prisoners and the like, who made up the majority of federal prisoners. And so we began to try to connect the Black community-the larger community, the cultural community, the educational community–to the prisoners so that the changing atmosphere of the American population through the political machinery, against prisoners, against rehabilitation, in support of recidivism and the like, would run up against some kind of resistance.

And so we began to put forward culture as one of the means to bring together members of the Black community inside of the prisons, for prisoners who were involved in many fratricidal [contradictions], behavior modification that was detrimental not only to the prisoners, not only to the prisoners and their families, but also to the orderly running of an institution. And so we began to be about bringing culture, bringing educational structure, different but paralleling whatever was available within the federal Bureau of Prisons, and particularly in Lompoc, paralleling whatever educational structure they had set up.

The philosophy at that point when I began my sentence at Lompoc seemed to be ambivalent towards–I should say there was a different mindset than exists today, in terms of whether rehabilitation was an objective of the Bureau of Prisons [the BOP has since officially dropped rehabilitation as a goal]. And it was in the policy of the Bureau of Prisons that existed a guideline that governed the behavior and the inclusion of community participation in various programs that effect the culture, religion and education of prisoners. So in order to do these things we had to follow these guidelines.

And so we did that. And over the course of my five-year imprisonment at Lompoc, we were able to at least two to three times, sometimes four, bring in outside community representatives and various cultures, and very artistic presentations, as well as workshops and forums that we believe effected those prisoners and that community. We had the support of the 100 Black Men of Santa Barbara, we had the support of the Phi Delta Kappa, we had the support of the NAACP Image Award folks, we had the support of the New Afrikan People’s Organization, we had the support of various Muslim organizations, as well as the support of the various cultural groups around the area. As well as the academic area–we were able to enlist Black history instructors, and you know, get aids for the programs we were doin’.

That process began under the Black Culture Workshop. And so we were quite successful in using that as a means begin to approach the various fratricidal groups inside the prisons, street organizations and the like, to begin to talk about Peace. To talk about thinkin’ about what they had done to the community, how destructive their continued fightin’ within the community was. So we began to talk about the Peace, the Peace Treaty, and the peace within the prisons, and working together around community and prison issues that can effect our community internally and extemally [to the prison].

The period that we were in Lompoc also was the Rodney King period. The Rodney King period had a tremendous impact on the world, obviously, but clearly on the west coast. And so the pre-trials and trials of the officers accused of brutally beating Rodney King, and then the end results, in the verdict in favor of the police, and then the subsequent riots or rebellions or belligerence that happened within the community of Los Angeles, that even moreso called for an understanding of what role these gangs and the prisons play, and the whole disproportionate amount of Black and Latin prisoners in these prisons.

And so in exercising our First Amendment right in terms of talking and speaking and trying to get. some understanding and putting these things into context within the prisons as well as within the political context. Obviously I’m a political animal, I have a political ideology, I have political goals and objectives. Now these political ideologies, goals and objectives are not alien to the Bureau of Prisons or to the Justice Department or for that matter to the judge who sentenced me. It’s a part of my nature. But we felt that it was important in making the analysis .that brutality is sanctioned by the Black community, and the Latin community, because of the view that the gangs’ violence against ourselves and our community gives support for the need of more repressive police laws and actions, you follow me? And so buildin’ off of that we were able we were able to get them to understand within that context their error, you follow? And so we were able to do a lot of good things.

In the midst of that we had an “angry white male backlash”–I guess that’s what the Republican Party called it. And in that period the angry white male backlash also lended its support to industrialized prison industry, creating laws in prisons that would just be about the development of labor of economic enrichment of Wall Street, on the one hand. On the other hand, they used Law and Order like they have used Law and Order from time on to get the angry white male elected. The way the campaigns were run–hard on crime, low on support of community resources, and high on new laws overturning the ability of criminals to have fair trials.

And so that impact brought forward in the legislation in the Congress these new crime bills, the mandatory sentences, RICO and the like. I think before I left Lompoc gangs had begun to be indicted under RICO, and so what was initially developed for high finance crime was initially was now at the very low rung of the ladder. And so this was becoming an educational tool.

Along with this came an attitude, long prevalent within the Bureau of Prisons, for the right, or the more anti-rehabilitation, the more fascist, the more arrogant and abuse-of-power element in the Bureau of Prisons and prison system in general in America, began to take. Swap amenities within the prison system. And so they would take one example out of a million non-examples as a basis to change laws, to alter how prisons were run. With those laws came more and more cutting away of the access of the community to the prisons and the prisoners. And also came along with that the limiting of the access to the legal law library, the legal access machinery to overturn convictions. Along with that came recreational changes, you know, weights and television, various sundry things.

And so the education process was becoming, you know, more and more intense. Because not only were you in an atmosphere movin’ from where you could teach and try to have some impact on these prisoners, the atmosphere changed so belligerent internally and so repressive that leaders-people who had positive influence, influence that did not violate any Bureau of Prison regulations–were taken and put in isolation, segregation and control units in order to isolate them from the population, whereby leaving a void in constructive leadership, leadership that could give some aid and assistance to a lost population, a lost element, who were being shipped in by the thousands under this new crack law, and who under the mandatory sentences weren’t receiving any type of initiatives for good behavior, you follow me. And so we began to be put in hole, began to be segregated from the population of federal prisons.

And so that’s my story. That’s where this litigation that I’m involved with comes into play. Along with the fact that I’m a political person. Along with the fact that my beliefs are adverse to the United States position on Black people, and in particular to the Bureau of Prisons’ strategy of how to maintain Black people in the docile position within these prison systems, where they will have no impact. You have any questions, `cause I can go on and on.

Int: Yeah. I’ve heard from several white political prisoners who’ve been in since the `70s that it’s tougher for them now than it used to be, that they aren’t afforded the same respect and given the same space the used to be. Are you feeling that as well? What’s it like being a political prisoner these days, especially in the Black prison community? Do you get much respect as an elder?

Shakur: Well, [laughs] it is true that the element of prisoners that are coming in are not necessarily criminals. They have committed criminal acts but they have not been worldly. They have no sense of their community, their nation, their role in it, the history of their struggle, you know, that gave them the rights that they had to commit whatever criminal act, or put them in a position to resist those criminal acts. And so you have what we consider a more apolitical element of prisoners cornin’ in to the prison, And so a political prisoners who does not continue to be about their values and principles and morals, concerning the struggle for human rights and dignity, would become isolated and lumped into a whole [group] of oldtime prisoners. [prisoners doing a lot of time]. And so you have to distinguish yourself by your principles and your morals, and by followin’ through with what your commitment is. But outside of that I think that issue of political prisoners–or political persons for that matter, no matter where you are, inside the more restricted prison or outside in the broader community–the political person has not received their respect or credibility because it has been as a result of COINTELPRO, we have to say that it was quite effective, and that it has taken the sting out of political organizing and political mass movements. Now mass movements must be based on religious elements rather than purely political objectives.

And so we are going through a metamorphosis. .And at some point because the contradictions haven’t changed it will come back , I have no doubt on that. I see the signs of that everyday. We have a responsibility to–repression breeds resistance, or at least the need to understand what’s goin’ on. I think a lot of that same element that is apolitical is also naive about what they had anticipated their rights to be within the context of their government and as citizens. And so that naive element will also be a motivating factor to determine why was it gotten from what they thought it was, to where it is today.

Int: Have you felt much support from outside, or from the hip-hop movement at all?

Shakur: I have to admit that my base is not purely political. It is political but my base is service oriented. I spent many years treating drug victims with acupuncture and healing people. That’s what I do, that’s what I do better than I do anything else. I spent many years organizing around housing and welfare rights and around prisoners’ rights and the like. I didn’t just fall from the sky. And so my base of support comes from many brothers and sisters–and others, white, Black, Green or whatever–who have had experience with me and understand my genuine commitment to human rights as well as my commitment to my political prisoners. And so I’m lucky in that way, for now, up until now. That my patients, my students-I’ve taught acupuncture for years I have many students across the country, in all classes–and my political comrades in terms of housing, and welfare rights, and international support for various countries that were under apartheid or alike. We’ve done a lot of work in those areas so people consistently demonstrate concern for us.

On the other hand we’ve also enjoyed the youth. Part of the massbased work has been liberation schools and teachin’ children, camps for people. We have the New Africa People’s Organization, we have the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, we have the December 12th movement, the John Brown Anti-Klan movement, and a lot of student organizations, they know of our work they know of our consistency. I’m not no celeb, or that kind of thing [laughs], but on fundamental work and fundamental commitment I think that people genuinely understand that I’ve tried to be about that, with my errors and my mistakes and the like. But they have been based upon trying to do, as opposed to not do.

Int: Tell me a little more about how you came to be imprisoned.

…[text not legible]…involved in the expropriation of armored trucks, and the liberation of political prisoners.

Int: Involving Assata?

Shakur:Yes. And being responsible for [freed] political prisoners who were underground. And I was convicted of all of those charges, and I am serving 60 years on those charges. Me and my co-defendant Marilyn Buck. Who happens to be a white woman, anti-imperialist. And so that’s what my case is about. I can’t say that anybody gets a fair trial, but we are involved in overturning that conviction and re-establishing the political motives behind the frame-up.

Int: Is there anything else you want to talk about?

Shakur: I would like to talk about the hip-hop nation. As you know my son was murdered, assassinated in Las Vegas, last year September 13th, 1996. And I think that I have an obligation to always speak about the impact that Tupac and the hip-hop nation have on the growing development of the youth. Everything has its positives and its negatives. I believe that the void of the independence movement or the political movement was created, the natural response would be for an aggressive, belligerent youth development. Without a political leadership, that youth development would go in various directions. I think that whatever you might say about my son and other rappers, there was never a loss for political analysis within the context of his music. There was never a loss for political understanding within the context of his movement.

There was also what we would call the street reality. But the fact that a lot of people are now awakened to a certain reality, can put it in a cultural context, is the reflection of most suppressed people’s first stage of awareness. That the culture speaks for the base of the people. And Tupac, Biggie Smalls, Paris, and other rappers–the Ghetto Boys and the like–speak to that.

What we’re hopin’ is that the street organizations become much more aware of what their actions have done to create an atmosphere of fascism, that is an excuse to repress the whole community. And as they mature from that stage to another, stage, that they keep their organizational capability and understand their responsibility to rectify the things that they have created. And that we love them and they are us. And we have a responsibility for the errors as well as for the victories. But we want unity, we want more study, we want more analysis in their music, and we want to dance and party too! `Cause ain’t no party like a thug-like party. [laughs.] From their perspective. And if we understand what the thuggery is, and the history of thuggery, as opposed to the United States [government's] analysis, we might understand what we’re talkin’ about.

But as far as that is concerned, I feel more aligned with the energies of the youth than with the defeatism of the elders. I feel more a part of it because it was what I’m around. Seventy percent of the population in these prisons are under thirty. And so those who are over thirty and under forty have grown up inside these prisons. They have no perspective of adulthood. So I have an obligation, I have a lot of love and I have a lot of respect for what I’ve learned and what I’ve been able to share, and what I’ve been able to see manifest from those experiences. So we say aim high and go all out.

Int: re: getting threatened with isolation for activism.

Shakur: In litigation now.

Int: Because of [being sent to] ADX?

Shakur: Because of my speech.

Int: Was there a specific speech that got you sent to ADX?

Shakur: From Lompoc to Lewisburg, from Lewisburg to Marion, from Marion to Florence, and to here. And they all claimed that I have too much influence on the Black youth, blah blah blah, whatever.

-Jericho March for political prisoners in Washington.

Mutulu Shakur is a political prisoner and co-founder of The Black Acupuncture Avisory Association of North America. The interview was conducted by Skills for Justice,a group of anti-racist activists who deal with the issue of racial violence in the legal arena.

Skills For Justice: Dr. Shakur, I know you have a long history of doing work around the issue of drug abuse. Could you tell us something about it?

Mutulu Shakur: The Nation of Islam under the Honorable Elijah Muhammad and Malcolm X first developed a program for dealing with drug addiction during the heroin plague of the sixties. The Nation of Islam would take an addicted person and separate him from the drug, provide social support, good diet and some kind of work outlet in order to move that person outside of the heroin world into feeling productive and giving them self-esteem. The example they put forward might have come out of the general extended family culture in the oppressed communities-in particular, the Black community. The Nation of Islam’s work around drugs helped make it very respectable in the Black community and provided an example which was taken up by other revolutionary formations. The Jehovah’s Witnesses and some of the Baptist churches also used the method of isolating the drug victim from drugs, providing a person or two to do a 24-hour or 48-hour detoxification watch, providing food and general back-up.

This concept was the beginning of the theory of treatment through what we now call ”therapeutic communities”. These community-based programs dealt with questions of education, housing and welfare. They always took some responsibility for being a big brother or watchdog to a certain number of drug victims. They used other aspects of the community program as a way for the drug victim to find more self-esteem, become more valuable to themselves and their communities, and try to right some of the wrongs that they had been involved in.

During the sixties, the Lindsay era in New York, there were a number of community drug abuse programs under the Commission for Racial Justice. Out in Los Angeles, I remember an Asian community drug abuse program. And Dr. Matthews had a major drug program something like the Nation of Islam. He had an economic survival orientation where he would have drug victims make some kind of product, and when that product was sold, they would get the money. It was a vocational rehabilitation program.

During that period a lot of the work was done by the movement. We had a moral commitment to it; it was something we could squeeze out of whatever resources we could get through city tax dollars or through donations. We would all find some way to help somebody who was addicted to drugs.

Community-based Drug Treatment

What happened then was that the government began putting anti-poverty money into community-based programs in order to stem the tide of the resistance and the rebellion, to placate the communities that were so oppressed. I might add they used COINTELPRO against the movements. Since we were all so concerned with the downtrodden and the person without and the person who might possibly get on drugs, we never suspected some of them were being used as infiltrators into our community-based anti-poverty programs which were havens for Panthers and ex-Panthers. Lumumba Shakur, Abdul Majid and others in the Panther 21 Case all worked in the South Jamaica Community Corporation housing program at one time.

Fighting drugs was generally not isolated as a specific area for funding in the late sixties and early seventies. The community tried to include the fight against drugs and siphon off some of the money to do that kind of work. In Corona and other places, the Community Corporation outlets provided the type of services needed by victims of drugs who wanted to alter their behavior. And alot of the movement people were there. That’s where we found alot of the people who were going to find the moral convictions to fight drugs and to fight against all the ills of society-in some of those anti-poverty programs.

In the late sixties and early seventies, monies for drug abuse were handed over to ex-prisoners. A lot of the Muslim programs were run by ex-prisoners, ex-dope fiends or whatever you like to call them, coupled with people who were progressive or left in college, social workers of some sort. We had a lot of Peace Corps activists in the Bronx and in South Jamaica, a lot of Peace Corps activities going on in those communities under the guise of fighting drugs. Clearly, they were performing the same role that they performed in other countries. Some had legitimate moral commitment to the work, and the others were CIA operatives. So the ex-prisoners and the Peace Corp-type, those partners made for what then looked like a comprehensive package: someone who knew the street and someone who knew the bureaucracy and had the educational background to prepare the proposals in order to get what was now coming down the line for federal funds for drug addiction.

As the sixties began to slow down, the drug struggle and the struggle against drugs became “profession-alized.” The psychiatrists and psychologists-people with credentials who had never been connected to drug rehabilitation and the drug war before-were suddenly interested. Part of this was sociological: it gave the middle class some finances. But isolating the movement from the process of curing drugs was also a stategy: separate the politics from it, take it from the Malcolm X example, the Nation of Islam example ,and put it into a more credentialized process. Separating the people from the process of curing drugs was the first stage of the contemporary period of chemical warfare against the oppressed community. The Nixon administration and its National Drug Abuse Council began to investigate another drug. They wanted something to introduce that as a cure-all for the street drugs that existed at the time. Methadone maintenance became the great cure-all for heroin addiction.

But if you were politically astute, you understood that any drug replacing another drug would only mean a further addiction. The only element missing would be the so-called criminal factor. The political movements were on this, more so than the Peace Corps-types.

This became the basis of The Lincoln Detox example. Our efforts came from the Young Lords Party, the Black Panther Party, and drug victims themselves who were educated through the prison programs, the anti-poverty programs.They began to realized that they needed to have more control over drug rehabilitation programs. Lincoln Detox wasn’t the only example in the country, but I dare say one of the most dynamic examples of fighting drugs in a political framework .

Lincoln Detox Alternative

Lincoln Detox was on of the programs that held on the longest under federal fundng while being led by leaders in the struggle for the liberation of Puerto Rico, the liberation of New Africa, the black liberation struggle, as well as left, white anti-imperialist leaders. Whatever people think about their politics now, Jennifer Dohrn worked there, Franklin Michael Appel worked there, a number of progressive anti-imperialists participated in Lincoln Detox.

Lincoln Detox fought methadone from 1971, from the inception of the Rockefeller Program. We fought all the way through. The issue of drugs was a problem of the inner cities, but even though the Health and Hospital Corporation had about ten municipal hospitals under it, Lincoln Detox was the only example of a community-based detox program. Lincoln Detox was developed by revolutionary forces housed inside of Lincoln Hospital which received city funds and some federal matching in order to operate. Most other drug programs operate from funds from the federal government and funds for research, like the drug addiction programs given to Albert Einstein School of medicine, or Columbia, or the other universities. The Lincoln Hospital drug program was the only drug program not operated by an educationally-affiliated medical institution.

The attack on Lincoln Detox was an attack by the federal government and city governments, because that’s where the funds were coming from. Part of the contradiction was that there would be more money for the city if they kept people maintained on methadone as opposed to having a person detoxed off of that methadone. They received $250 a day per patient in beds maintained on methadone.

The other part of the contradiction was that the politically-motivated and organized drug programs created a pool of volunteer workers to oppose any candidate who did not have the best interests of the poor and oppressed in mind. For instance, Ramon Velez used to run the South Bronx. (I don’t know if I like him or dislike him; it has nothing to do with it.) He was an assemblyman. Like other people in political office, he would pander to drug programs because drug programs could get out people With flags and do the kind of campaigning they now call “high tech” campaigning. If a particular assemblyman or congressman supported A particular program, or came and spoke and made political overtures, That program would go out and do basic campaign organizing and recruitment for that politician.

At one time, 60% of people addicted to heroin could get black market methadone for a certain period of time. And we couldn’t blame that on the Turkish government, we couldn’t blame it on the Vietnamese, we couldn’t blame that on any other nation, on the economy of poppyseeds or anything.

At the time Koch was running, there was clear opposition to him from Lincoln Detox. So Lincoln Detox became a ” terrosist operation.” What was the evidence? We had drug victims trying to fight the ills in their community. People at Lincoln Detox helped bury Black Liberation Army soldiers who did not have money to be buried, went to trial with Dhoruba Moore and Assata Shakur and various other comrades, went to trials for Carlos Feliciano. We also went and picketed and did stuff around union rights. We went to fight for the gypsy cab drivers to get a fair shake, to be allowed to take fares below 110th Street. We also went into the welfare centers to enforce community complaints, making sure, for example, that welfare victims with debts were treated respectfully.

A lot of those activities came from the people working at Lincoln Detox who were listening to the victims coming in: someone trying to get a welfare check in Wilson Bergen Welfare Center. Or driving a cab: “I got my gypsy cab, I’m gonna go and get four or five tickets before the day is over. I end up with no money. What am I gonna do with $20? I’m gonna buy a bag of herb.” you see. And we listen to that and try to take it up, “Lets do something about that problem. “So when you really talk about fighting drugs, and you really talk about fighting crime, especially in the inner city, you have to look at the overall political ingredients.

Drugs in the ‘Eighties

SFG: Moving forward to today for a moment, how would you analyze this whole “crack” phenomenon? Do you see any big differences from the past?

Shakur: Different drugs definitely affect the community differently. Its odd to say but heroin was something that the community could handle. But the physical effects-the withdrawal and the maintenance-of people addicted to methadone was something that the community could not handle. The secondary symptoms caused by prolonged use of methadone were just something that a mother or brother or cousin or wife or lover could not handle.

Methadone, when it was only manufactured by Eli Lilly and only distributed through accredited clinics and hospitals, became second to heroin as the black market drug on the streets of New York city. At one time, 60% of people addicted to heroin could get black market methadone for a certain period of time. And we couldn’t blame that on the Turkish government, we couldn’t blame it on the Vietnamese, we couldn’t blame that on any other nation, on the economy of poppyseeds or anything. Methadone was clearly manufactured here in United States, distributed in its clinics, and it became the illegal drug on the streets.

The politics of methadone were so clear and glaring that they had to phase down the propaganda about it, although a number of methadaone maintenance programs still exist today. What does that mean? It means that the United States government can participate in flooding a community with drugs whether they’re legal or illegal.

When we look at crack, (not crack, necessarily, but cocaine) flowing into this country to replace heroin and methadone, we have to put it in the context of United States geopolitical strategy. When we look at the struggle in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Panama, and we look at the geopolitical strategy of the United States government, then we can see that within their framework and their strategy, cocaine becomes a significant issue, just like heroin became a significant issue on the streets of the United States when the United States was at war oppressing the Vietnamese people. The struggle to oppress the Latin American nations and control and support dictatorships means that illegal drugs are going to be flowing in from that region. The drugs you find in America are from wherever imperialism is being implemented.

SFJ: Well, what do you do? It seems almost insurmountable. People are organizing community patrols, but given the reality of the kind of oppressive conditions that exist in our community today, where do you begin to tackle it? What needs to be understood and done?

Shakur: Drug addiction and drug use, dippin’ and adabbin’; crosses a lot of lines politically and socially, but for different reasons now, it has become a genocidal tool as well as a subculture of American society. It has become that not only because of its availability but also because of the political motive on the part of a class of people in this country to sedate a certain element of the population.

And there is also the question of economics. The underprivileged and the deprived have to find some kind of black market or underground economy that can sustain the community where there’s no possibility, or limited possibility, of economic growth. That’s the political context.

But you also have to recognize that effort to fight drug addiction, whatever it is-crack, heroin, valium, alcohol-has to be a complete program. We were wrong to address it totally politically without having a medical capability. That’s one of the things that Lincoln Detox realized, that it could not only be a political formation, especially with the onslaught of methadone. We had to have some type of medical capability.

We have to realize what crack does to an individual. Crack-smoking is totally a brain addiction which is different from someone shooting up cocaine or heroin on the street or someone sniffing cocaine. Crack pushes the individual to identify with what this society projects as accomplishment.

Look at television nowadays. For example, the Colt 45 commercial with Billy Dee Williams. Now everywhere you go in America’s wasteland, you see men and women on the corners drinking Colt 45, one of the cheapest, nastiest-tasting beers there is. There is nothing in what that beer does to you and what this advertisement does to you that can compare. So the advertisement is not necessarily only for Colt 45, but for the complementary drug that will help the Colt 45 make you feel like the advertisement suggests.

What you’re suppose to get in Colt 45 is the roaming and the wind and speed. You look at commercials and the car is speeding. You can hardly see one figure. Everything is fa-la-la-la-la. And if you sit down and talk to a patient of crack addiction, what you will find is snap, snap, snap, snap, snap, snap-it speeds them up, it spaces them out, it’s the get-down-now, it’s the Wall Street shifting and under-the-table bidding and making deals, hand-over-heels, it’s the picking up the phone and getting it done.

What you get with crack differs from what you get with heroin. Heroin is more like Williams Bendix on ‘The Life Riley,” where what was deemed to be success was to be able to come home and put out a hammock and lay back and relax. Today that’s not what America is projecting as what you should be into.

So you have a segment of the society without the economic capability, without the educational or cultural outlet, but with a whole lot of televisions available, trying to associate itself with a behavior pattern that’s just outside its realm. And the chemistry of crack is there in order to accomplish That goal.

SFJ: One of the things I wanted to talk about is the question of drugs and crime and racism. Its very convenient for white people to profess to be alienated from Black people or Latin people not because they are racist, but-at least that is what they would allege-because of the nature of crime and the nature of drugs that contribute to crime. Given your background as a fighter of drug abuse, how do you respond to that?

Shakur: I think that the United States government is clear to separate the addiction from East L.A. Chicanos and Arizona Chicanos, Blacks and Puerto Ricans. And how they separate it is that they magnify addiction in the Black and Puerto Rican community, and they don’t talk about it as it goes on in the white community.

So when white people talk about crime and drugs, it often becomes an excuse to maintain their racism without saying that you just prefer your own race.

Yes, we must deal with crime, but for God’s sake be cautious of the facist developments that the government uses in the so-called fight against crime. The real danger is if middle America doesn’t wake up to the fact that they’re using crime in the Black and Third World communities to squeeze all our Constitutional rights to nothing.

Criminalizing people for their politics actually allows the real criminals to run the streets. To deal with crime and drugs in the community, you have to have people who are not intimidated by that, the people who came through there and are clear who the real enemy is and are not afraid. It takes all of their moral authority and political responsibility to confront those issues.

Take South Jamaica. If we accept that Fat Cat Nicholas is the one bringing drugs into South Jamaica community, then who can talk to Fat Cat Nicholas? Well Fat Cat Nicholas, who’s only twenty-six, used to live right around the Corner from Abdul Majid who has worked in housing and worked against drugs and all of these different things. Abdul could go and talk to Fat Cat Nicholas and I know that when Abdul Majid is in the community that’s what he does. He’s not intimidated by the so-called street club. But if someone with the moral authority of an Abdul Majid is labeled a criminal and taken off the street, then who can talk to Fat Cat Nicholas?

If you let this government separate and isolate these people, where are the communities going to get their direction from? You have to have leaders with moral authority in communities that clearly have no respect for the middle class and definitely have no respect for the politicians.

So crime, yes. There is crime. There’s the crime of black men killing old black women. We don’t tolerate that. There’s the crime of older men selling drugs to young children. I mean, draw a line. It is for the dollar only?

Where are the community centers where basketball is played? You talk all this basketball nonsense and sports nonsense, but that only happens in the colleges. In the community it is very seldom you have a parent who can send a child to a coach who is not only interested in winning but is also doing it because he can handle the tough kids, the kid that feels he has been abandoned by his father or whatever. We don’t have that any more. You don’t have any evening centers. You don’t have that any more in the community. And the Federal government can get that money out and put it into missiles and put it into exploiting and colonizing other nations. And so you talk about crime-that’s the crime.

Announcer: But, it seems like things have straightened themselves out right about now. We are on. . .we have on the line with us a Brother, Mutulu Shakur, from the. . .who is currently being held in Lompoc Prison.

Let me tell you something about Brother Mutulu Shakur. Brother Mutulu Shakur is a doctor of acupuncture. As an acupuncturist and healthcare worker, Brother Shakur worked from 1971 to ’78 for the Lincoln Hospital Detoxification Program in the Bronx in New York. Then, from 1978 to 1982 Dr. Shakur was the co-founder and co-director of the Black Acupuncture Advisory Association of North America, also known as BAAANA and the Harlem Institute of Acupuncture.

At the Lincoln Detox Center, Dr. Shakur lead a program which used acupuncture to assist in the detoxification of thousands of drug addicts. The Lincoln Detox program was recognized as the largest and most effective of its kind by the National Institute of Drug Abuse, the National Acupuncture Research Society and the World Academic Society of Acupuncture.

Further, at BAAANA, Dr. Shakur continued his remarkable work against drug addiction. He also treated and/or supervised the treatment of thousands of elderly and poor patients who otherwise would have received no treatment of this kind. Patients were able to receive quality healthcare at reasonable prices. Moreover, the clinic at BAAANA served on a regular basis many community leaders, political activists, lawyers, doctors and various international dignitaries. At BAAANA, Dr. Shakur and his co-founder, Dr. Richard Delaney, trained over 100 students in the medical sciences of acupuncture. Some of the trainees at the Harlem Institute of Acupuncture were already medical doctors licensed by various states in the United States.

Also in the late 1970s, just to tell you a little bit about this brother’s proficiency in his field, Dr. Shakur traveled with Dr. Mario Wexu, Director of Education at the International Association of Traditional Chinese Acupuncture in Montreal to the People’s Republic of China, where he observed and studied acupuncture applied as the primary form of medical care. We are not just talking about someone who, you know, dibbles and dabbles in his field, but he does some serious research, know what I’m saying.

Brother Shakur also worked with the Revolutionary Action Movement, RAM, in his early years. This was a revolutionary Black Nationalist organization which struggled for black self-determination and socialist change in America. Brother Dr. Shakur has furthermore been a dedicated worker and champion in the struggle against political imprisonment and political convictions of black activists in America.

He has also been a leader in the struggle against illegal United States and local American law enforcement programs designed to destroy the black movement in America and has worked to expose and stop the secret American war against its black colony. Brother Shakur served on the committee to defend Herman Ferguson, a leading black political activist and educator charged with conspiracy in the RAM conspiracy case of the 1960s. Dr. Shakur was a member of the National Committee to Free Political Prisoners. He has worked to legally defend and support political prisoners and prisoners of war like Imari Obadele, Ph.D. and the RNA-11, Reverend Ben Chavis and the Wilmington 10, Geronimo Pratt of the Black Panther Party, Assata Shakur of the Black Liberation Army, Sundiata Acoli also of the Black Liberation Army.

He contributed to the development of a petition to the United Nations by the National Conference of Black Lawyers and others. As a matter of fact, that petition is now documented in the book “Illusions of Justice” by Lennox Hinds. He used to also work with the National Conference of Black Lawyers on developing defense committees for numerous political prisoners and prisoners of war.

In addition, and I’m running out of breath with this Brother’s accomplishments, Brother Shakur was most importantly a co-founder and director of the National Task Force for COINTELPRO Litigation and Research which investigated, exposed and instigated suits against the FBI and other American law agencies for criminal acts, domestic spying, dirty tricks, repression, and low intensity warfare maneuvers against the New African independence struggle and others struggling against oppression in America.

Now, having given you this amazing biography, one thing I do have to say before I begin this program is that everything you hear on this show is not necessarily, you may be surprised to know, not necessarily the opinion of the University of Chicago or the University of Chicago’s Board of Trustees. But having said that I would like to bring on the air Brother Shakur. Brother Shakur are you with us?

MS: Hello.

Announcer: Hello Brother Shakur.

MS: How you doing. Free the land, Brother.

Announcer: All right, free the land. Now, Brother Shakur, I just read over some of the things that you been doing. You been a busy Brother even now that you’re incarcerated and I’d just like to inquiry as to when we look at your accomplishments and we look at what you are doing with acupuncture a lot of people think first off think Ahmm acupuncturist hmmm…How is somebody with acupuncture going to serve in a struggle etc. etc. doesn’t usually strike one as the freedom fighter type of thing to do. So could you explain to us how acupuncture fed into your struggle for black liberation.

MS: Yes, Brother Tyehimba, first of all I would like to thank you and the University for allowing me to talk to the south side of Chicago, people I have not had many opportunities to speak to since I’ve been incarcerated or since I’ve come up from being clandestine. It’s important for us to understand that the struggle for our liberation is a complete process, Brother, and which requires of us to be prepared to address the causes of our oppression. From that context I have to say that in the ’60s we had the pleasure of feeling like we were going to be free in ’73, you know. That used to be a slogan we would say.

Announcer: Yeah.

MS: And as the upheavals and the outrage and the rebellion of the ’60s was waged and the struggle between intellectual participation in the movement and the grassroots organized and the new movement began to formulate two lines of the approach to the struggle, some of us were caught in the period of looking at the community being attacked by chemical warfare.

Announcer: Right.

MS: And chemical warfare began to change the shape and the attitude of the brothers and sisters who participated in the, what we called then, the revolution. Whether it be the civil rights aspect of integrating into or assimilating into America or whether it be the revolutionary nationalist aspect of fighting for, in this context and in that period, self-determination and/or liberation by nationhood. So from that point of view the ability to fight chemical warfare was a significant contribution that many organizations gave to the liberation movement because it was at least a physical participation in fighting the ills that the community could still come to the liberation movement for assistance.

For example, the Nation of Islam was very instrumental in fighting drug, heroin addiction by having homes and clean up houses and sweat-out houses all around the country where they could take members of the community who are addicted to drugs and help them cold-turkey. So a lot of the nationalist formations and the grassroots formations began to do the same thing.

A lot of brothers coming out of the penitentiary, cause the penitentiary movement was important. Ex-cons was not what it was today. An ex-con was an individual who gave character, who established a code of conduct in the community. So they began to set up houses, cold-turkey houses and the like to help deal with the problem of drug addiction.

So from the mid’60s to the ’70s the ability to fight heroin and other addictions that were being pushed in our community, that ability to do that with the assistance of the liberation formations or organizations became an important material aid to the community.

In view of that, in New York in particular and nationally, the National Drug Abuse Conference and Richard Nixon with Rockefeller implemented into the black community an experiment that they had been experiment. . . a drug that they had experimented on for a long period of time in Kentucky which they had a Lexington, Kentucky experiment program. They implemented what they called a Methadone Maintenance Intervention Program. Now Methadone Maintenance is a drug that was used allegedly, theoretically, to get a person off of heroin but onto methadone monitored by methadone clinics and allegedly its intentions were to detoxify a person addicted to chemical warfare off the methadone.

We seen that as a clear, clear process of taking from the revolutionary movement and the grassroots movement an ability to stay in touch with the community and to render aid and an ability and a setting for a person to demonstrate their love for their brother and sister by spending time, working with that brother or sister through that terrible period of cold-turkey.

Announcer: Well it sounds like we need some of that out here today with all this crack out here. You know.

MS: No question….this is why the Methadone Maintenance Move was a sickness it can move. What happened is Rockefeller….the history of methadone is a very interesting one. I don’t know how much time we have and I’m going to try to cut it short. But the Methadone Maintenance came into the community as a requirement for aid to dependent children, a requirement if you wanted to get on welfare, a requirement for parole and requirement for probation. It was called the Rockefeller Program in New York. At the time that Jimmy Carter was Governor of Atlanta, under him was the man named Peter Borne. Peter Borne was the National Drug Abuse Counsel Coordinator for Richard Nixon. They brought methadone into the community. In New York City, 60 percent of the illegal drugs on the street during the early ’70s was methadone. So we could not blame drug addiction at that time on Turkey or Afghanistan or the rest of that triangle.

Announcer: It was the United States government and Rockefeller.

MS: It was coming in through Eli Lily and the Brinks trucks that was delivering the drugs to the various methadone clinics around the country. And instead of people being detoxified off of methadone, they were being increased in dosages. So acupuncture, in the hands of revolutionary thinking, Puerto Rican, Blacks, Progressive White people, was an intervention that the government was not willing to accept at the time because it attacked and exposed the intention of the government to impose a chemical warfare on a certain segment of the community. And it exposed the fact that the government wanted to control the flow of drugs into the community. So our. . . hello. . .

Announcer: Yes.

MS: . . .our ability to get involved with acupuncture and to learn it, and to learn it from a very fundamental basis was an important contribution to that struggle. So we became victims of counter intelligence not in the classical sense based upon the Hoover documents of stopping the rise of the black messiah or stopping the development of black nationalist hate groups that showed that famous ’67 document. We became targets because we were intervening into the chemical war process here ?? was being dealt with by illegal drugs and was being moved into the phase of legal drugs.

Announcer: Well, that was when you were starting to get active with the Lincoln Detox program and could you tell us about some of the development that happened there and the development of BAAANA.

MS: Okay. The Lincoln Detox program was started by the Black Panther Party, the Young Lords Party and a white group called White Lightening. This group began to take over aspects of Lincoln Hospital in order to provide space and treatment care. . .hello?

Announcer: Yeah, we’re still here.

MS: . . .for people

Operator: Are you done with your call?

Announcer: No. Hello? Hello?. . .So ladies and gentleman, that’s where we left last week or I should say two weeks ago, that was October 4th, where there was just an interruption by the prison telephone operator. And well, you know, as they say the struggle must continue and so we’re going to continue on with Brother Mutulu. So, welcoming you back to WHBK, welcome back, Brother Mutulu.

MS: Free the land, Brother.

Announcer: All right, so it’s good to have you back.

MS: Yeah, well it’s all like you say a struggle always continues, you know, we just have to prepare for the unexpected. It’s our ability to handle the strain and allow for us to win anyway. You know.

Announcer: Right. Okay, so now you had been talking about. . . two weeks ago you were talking about the influx of drugs into the country and into the African community. . . the New African community and I was wondering if you could kind of pick up the pieces from where you were two weeks ago.

MS: Yeah,. . . hello? I hear someone messing with the phone so bear with me.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: This here conversation has been approved by the warden and the captain. Okay, so I should be able to continue the conversation. All right?

Announcer: I sure hope so.

MS: Okay. I was trying to illustrate how the liberation movements and the civil rights movement and the black. . .

Announcer: Can you speak up a little, Brother.

MS: Hello?

Announcer: Can you speak up a little?

MS: Sure. I was trying to illustrate how the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Nationalist movement was very fundamental to us in the early ’60s, late mid ’60s and ’70s. And that one of the ways that the organization becomes fundamental, respected and appreciated from the masses is that we as organizational members or organization forms provide some type of material aid to the ails of our community and to the needs of our community.

And so the drug program in Lincoln Hospital that was developed, as I said before by the Black Panther Party, the Young Lords Party and another formation called White Lightening of ex-drug victims. This became a center for revolutionary, political change in the methodology and treatment modality of drug addiction because the method was not only medical but it was also political. And I think that was the continuing from the independent basis that the various formations had prior to the’70s, various organizations as I mentioned the Nation of Islam, RAM and SNCC and other formations dealing with the problems themselves.

So the Lincoln Detox became not only recognized by the community as a political formation but its work in developing and saving men and women of the third world inside of the oppressed communities, resuscitating these brothers and sisters and putting them into some form of healing process within the community we became a threat to the city of New York and consequently with the development of the barefoot doctor acupuncture cadre, we began to move around the country and educate various other communities instead of schools and orientations around acupuncture drug withdrawal and the strategy of methadone and the teaching the brothers and sisters the fundamentals of acupuncture to serious acupuncture, how it was used in the revolutionary context in China and in Vietnam and how we were able to use it in the South Bronx and our success. Primarily because we had a love for our people and we had a commitment to our people, we started very rudimentary.

We started with just finger pressure point and as we began to continue and search for the truth the information came to us, we went to China, we went to Montreal, we went around in England and Switzerland and various parts of the world to understand the theory and the application of acupuncture to drug withdrawal. So we became predictable, we became the base of acupuncturists who were revolutionaries in this country. Most of us belonged to various political formations and we were a part of a cadre of men and women who were not licensed western doctors but we were acupuncturists and oriental medicine and so therefore we opened up a whole avenue of the standards and the oppression of American Medical Association (AMA)against oriental medicine and the whole line of struggle. So acupuncture and Lincoln Detox together was a political and medical threat to the theory of legalized chemical warfare within our community.

Announcer: Now that’s deep ’cause the more I find out about, you know, how to take care of one’s body, how to get medical treatment, there seems like there was some many concepts involved in what you were doing. The AMA involved and the concept of western medicine and pumping drugs into your system and the toxification of the community, the chemical warfare. This is a part of our history that, I guess, very few of us have had access to. Now, I wonder if you could also tell us a little bit about your case and exactly how things came to a head and how you wound up in prison.

MS: One of the things that’s got to be clear is that I am a part of a movement. I have been a part of the movement most of my life and when I became involved in the Lincoln Detox process, I had already been in the Republic of New Afrika, the black caucus, I have been the supporter of the RAM cases in Queens, New York. I had also been involved in the National Black Political Convention. I was already a political animal. When we all hooked up to Lincoln Detox there was major leadership of the Young Lords Party that was a part of what we called the Lincoln Detox Collective. We were also a part of the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners. Some of us were a part. . . North Americans were a part of the Midnight Special. The Sister of Bernadine Dohrn was there, Jennifer Dohrn, was a part of the Lincoln Detox Collective. So we had a number of politically conscience people involved in carrying out the fundamental process of dealing with the needs of the community. You follow me?

Announcer: Uh huh.

MS: And seeing that there was too powerful of a access. . . too powerful access for the revolutionary community to have specially as we were moving into 1973 and the oil embargo and third-world nations emerging around the world, revolutionary struggle, the anti-imperialist struggle, struggle for national identity that was happening all over the world. The concept of self-determination within the minimum context of community control and control of one’s own health, was too much of a significant barometer for our community to see the potential of freedom, the potential of self-determination, so we became the target.

Announcer: So, it sounds like you’re talking about a whole type of medical wing of the liberation movement, almost. Like the various collectives that you were talking about. And I know here in Chicago they had a brother who was involved in starting up a health clinic etc. A whole new concept of medicine, medical care and how care should be provided.

MS: Really the principal of providing medical care wasn’t new because if you remember the Black Panther Party publicized people’s health clinics. They publicized it from the ’60s to the early ’70s. But, and I mean, the media publicized it. Other formations in the Libya movement in Cleveland and various nationalist formations in New York and Chicago and Mid West and South, were doing certain type of healthcare. And the voter registration campaign, they were doing certain things. But the significant part about this was that we had also caught them red-handedly providing a chemical addiction to a people that they alleged were trying to detoxify, to clean up the drugs. So it wasn’t only that we were providing medical care, we were providing medical care and exposing chemical warfare. We were not only providing medical care and exposing chemical warfare, we were challenging western occidental medicine to eastern medicine and natural healing. So all the fads and the health foods stores and all of the reflexology clinics and all of these things that allow to function today would not exist if revolutionary men and women did not fight tooth and nail to spread the possibilities of another form of healthcare system to the third world grassroots community.

Announcer: As you were saying before, a lot of us are familiar somewhat with the history of the FBI and the CIA, COINTELPRO operations, and the various search and destroy missions of various police departments across the country and in New York it was particularly fierce from what I understand.

MS: Oh it was very significant, it was very significant. A lot of the . . . the thing that you have to understand is people must read the COINTELPROl document directive clearly. And aspects of it talk about misdirecting, discrediting, taking off track, taking away credibility, preventing good work from looking like good work in the community. Fundamental stuff. And that is strategic as opposed to overt. You follow me. And so federally they were beginning to. . .they couldn’t come at us direct because it would be hard to explain. If men and women are trying to do something good, why are you attacking them. So, therefore, the misdirection and the discrediting and the media’s collaboration by refusing to announce to the community and to the readers what was going on, allowed for the Lincoln Detox Program to be targeted as if it was poverty pimps going on up there. At the time that we were moving there was a group called the National Caucus of Labor Committees.

They began to attack us. Now that we have seen their covert operations and understand them to be destabilizing and working for different forms all over the world, we realize that they were part of the covert action. We attached by Charles Schuman now a Congressman in Washington. He was a Congressman in Brooklyn. He lead an assembly evaluation of all the so-called third-party programs, which were a residential communities where you could keep people in over a certain length of time and try to heal. He felt that we had too much control, that men and women had too much control over brothers and sisters without them being certified, and you know certified men politicized to the Right Wing element. So, Mayor Koch who became the Mayor at the time, was the head of the New York City Board of Estimates. And so he lead, he won his campaign on attacking drug programs and anti-poverty programs in New York City.

So, during the end stages after they had murdered many BLA members, after they had tremendous trials and the Lincoln Detox community, the Lincoln Detox patients, the Lincoln Detox workers, the Lincoln Detox supporters were always in the eye of the storm when it came down to supporting revolutionary causes, positive issues, we’ve struck when the gypsy cabs went on strike, we struck with the workers. . . the healthcare workers in the hospital, we demanded better healthcare, we fought in the welfare department for proper treatment of welfare recipients, we had a legal defense fund and helped indigenous people who couldn’t afford legal services. These are the kinds of people services that were developed out of a revolutionary context from Lincoln Detox Drug Program as a result of politicizing victims of drug addiction and educating the community about chemical warfare, we were able to provide these types of community service, therefore, as the COINTELPRO and the media said that the liberation, they had broke the back of the liberation movement here in the South Bronx under a different banner, under a health banner we had cadres of men and women…in the community out there spreading the word of self-determination and liberation.

Announcer: So this is between the years in Lincoln Detox that’s from the years of 1971-78. Is that right?

MS: Yes.

Announcer: And now, eventually was Lincoln disbanded or what?

MS: The day that I was fired they sent 200 policemen up to the clinic, surrounded the clinic. . .

Announcer: 200 policemen!

MS: Yes. . . and just controlled the whole thing and fired all of us or told us that we were to be sent to other hospitals. Right now today you can go into New York City and in those municipal hospitals within the community, with the black and Puerto Rican and poor communities, a municipal hospital, not the private hospital, but the municipal hospitals, you can now receive acupuncture treatment for drug withdrawal as an alternative method of treatment. And that exists today because many men and women were put in jail, shot and killed, had mental disorder, all the things that go with on going low intensity warfare, all the suffering that can be attributed to that is for ??. The reason why men and women now can go get acupuncture and alternative healthcare has to do with that cadre of men and women. And they need to be praised and that situation needs to be correctly analyzed. Because if we do not analyze it. . .

[break in tape]

Announcer: You were involved with BAAANA, right?

MS: BAAANA was the Black Acupuncture Advisory Association of North America. We went into Harlem and we bought a home in Strivers Row and opened it as an acupuncture clinic in Harlem. And that clinic began to teach brothers and sisters and others the skill of acupuncture to spread around the country in various segments of the population. And we began to certify them internationally, under . . . we were opened under the International Association of Acupuncture and the World Health Organization.

Because I have always been a revolutionary, I have always been a supporter and a member of the liberation movement. Nothing changes. The acupuncture clinic was a clinic and BAAANA was built on a similar structure as Lincoln Hospital. It must be political and any person who was going to learn from our clinic had to be somewhat socially conscience and committed to fighting the ills of the community. And so acupuncture. . . BAAANA became a target just like Lincoln Detox. The only difference is that it was easier to focus on BAAANA, to isolate BAAANA in order for them to deal with this raid on BAAANA that happened in March of 1982.

BAAANA became a target in a RICO conspiracy. What they allege is that because BAAANA was providing this kind of healthcare and the insurance companies were not giving money to BAAANA because they were a part of another counter-intelligence strategy to try to close us down by refusing to pay rightfully due insurance bills to the clinic, they alleged that the clinic was being kept alive by the Black Liberation Army. And they alleged that the Black Liberation Army was robbing armored trucks in order to keep the acupuncture clinic alive as well as other organizations and facilities in the black nation. And so I became a target of an investigation, March 20th, 1982 I was indicted for the liberation of Assata Shakur because I was her legal assistant on many of her cases during the ’70s. They target me with her liberation, I was targeted as part of the liberation of freedom fighters as well as the expropriation of 9 or 10 armored trucks during the course of ’76 to ’81.

So I went underground in 1981. I knew I was a target, Mtayari Shabaka was murdered. A great revolutionary by the name of Sekou Odinga who had been a part of the Panther 21 case, who had been a childhood friend of mine, who was a leader of the Black Panther Party, who went to Algiers and opened up the international section. Was captured at the time Mtayari was murdered and he was indicted for being one of the leaders of the clandestine formation of the Black Liberation Army, New African Freedom Fighters. Many other brothers and sisters, Kwasi Balagoon, Chui Ferguson-El, Assata Shakur, Nehanda Abiodun, great sister who was a part of the aboveground structure, who is still underground, who is still being hunted by the law, the FBI, CIA, Interpol, she was a sister who helped start BAAANA on 129th Street between 7th and 8th Avenue in Harlem. She was a great sister, she was a part of the Republic of New Afrika’s cadre and was one of the first organizers of the New African People’s Organization. Many people know of Assata Shakur and they should but there is another sister named Nehanda Abiodun that they have been hunting and trying to catch ever since we went underground and she is a great comrade, a great sister and all sisters need to know about her. She is a very important contributor to the development of acupuncture and drug withdrawal in the black community, New African community.

So, we felt the wrath of COINTELPRO. We were also, prior to and during the time of the Lincoln Detox Process, my political work was the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners and the National Committee for COINTELPRO Litigation and Research Committee. Now that formation was made up of various political formations and organizations who had suffered during the decline of the revolutionary movement, who were . . . these formations were victims of counter intelligence and COINTELPRO and low intensity warfare. We came together to try to find out why we, political formations such as the African People’s Party, the Republic of New Africa, All African People’s Revolutionary Party, segments of the Black Panther Party, segments of the Houses ??. How come we could not sit down and unite and further the struggle for human rights of New African people in America and socialist development of our struggle. And that discussion and those people coming together made us realize that we had not thoroughly understood and accepted low intensity warfare and counter intelligence in relationship to the ideological struggles that we were having so-called petty contradictions between ourselves. So that committee became the National Committee for COINTELPRO Litigation and Research. And what we did was begin to go out and look at issues that were dividing us. . .

Announcer: Excuse me, Brother. Give us an idea of what time period you are talking about.

MS: Now we’re talking between ’73 and ’77.

Announcer: Okay. I just wanted to get that.

MS: Right. We’re talking about after Assata Shakur was captured and Zayd Malik Shakur was killed and Sundiata Acoli was captured. Okay. Because between ’70 and ’73 there was complete assassination of BLA members. There was assassination of potential organizers within aboveground formations. There was also false charges ??. All over the country men and women were falling to all kinds of various situations. No this happened somewhat different then to ’67 to, well let’s say ’66 ’cause we have to put in Ahmed Evans and what happened in Cleveland, from the ’66 to ’70 period the consensus of the police and the FBI and the white community was that direct attacks against visible fronts of the black liberation movement was legal and proper. Do you follow me?

Announcer: Yeah.

MS: So that many organizations who had store fronts who were providing various care and office open to the community were being militarily attacked. Do you follow me?

Announcer: Yeah.

MS: And those attacks began to kill the momentum of the visibility of liberation formations within the community. So after they confronted us in that fashion, from ’70 to ’71, the low intensity hunt and destroy method was the second phase of COINTELPRO and us killing each other.

Announcer: A lot of people, I think a lot of people in the audience wonder what low intensity warfare is, but in terms of clearing it up, it’s the same tactics that the United States government used against Chile, used against El Salvador and uses around the world to destabilize governments and here, in the United States, to destabilize the African community, the Native American communities, the island of Puerto Rico, etc., etc., etc.

MS: Nothing spooky about it. I think a lot of times we put titles on things to cut the explanation and where we need to put the explanation, make the explanation more clear. Low intensity warfare very simply put, is the play on the weaknesses and uncovered flanks of organizations or formations that are a threat, to the powers that be or to your adversary. As it relates to us and the United States government and military government, we, the liberation movements, were infiltrated with agents, money was stolen and we were beginning to accuse each other, work that we were doing to educate and propagate to the community was being subverted and converted ’cause we did not control the media process. Our own egos were being used against us very fundamentally. Your mail was being stolen when you expected the mail to come for this, that or the other. Shoestring budgets were being stretched to the limits so we would fail to make certain deadlines. So we began to feel inconsistent, impotent, incompetent and we felt that the things were falling apart. So our morale began to weaken. So with a weak morale and a vicious military attack, an assassination of key leader, or a car accident driving him off the road, or an addiction or a supporter or something, anything that can breakdown the fundamental structure and the spirit of a formation is low intensity warfare. Where you’re being attacked everyday but it’s not the clear line that you anticipate. And it’s not haphazard attack. It’s a very fundamental, thought out, programmatic attack at the weaknesses that have been reported by the agent to the superior.

Announcer: Okay. Now, you experienced a lot of that as you were just saying in BAAANA and in the Detox, the Lincoln Detox, and as a matter of fact, one of your fellow doctors was killed or died on this scene.

MS: Well, Lincoln Detox was hot-bed for COINTELPRO. During the time from ’71, ’70 to ’77 we had suffered at least 3 or 4 assassinations. The most notable assassination, if you will remember we were talking about the fact that we had. . . we were unlicensed in Western medicine but licensed in Eastern medicine?

Announcer: Yes.

MS: Well, during the time that we were licensed in Eastern medicine and practicing acupuncture, the only way that we were able to maintain and continue was that we had a western doctor to support the work program. He was the sign-off person.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: This person was not necessary have to be an acupuncturist, matter of fact they prefer he not be, or she not be. And during the course from ’70 to ’73 initially it was the man by the name. . . one was Steve Levine was the first doctor at Lincoln Hospital but he was not an acupuncturist. A man by the name of Frank Atfeld, M.D. was one of the first western medicine doctors working with the cadre, we evolved the acupuncture collectively together. He left and there was a man by the name of . . . his name was Richard Taft. Now Richard Taft was the grandson of President Taft, or the great grandson of President Taft. When Frank Atfeld left, Richard Taft was the resident doctor okaying the western. . .the eastern treatment modality. You follow me?

Announcer: Yes.

MS: And so therefore, he was essential to us in terms of continuing treatment.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: The day he was murdered, two days before he was murdered Charles Schumer and the National Caucus of Labor Committees created an attack, a verbal media attack as well as a mass rally to create a diversion of energy from the Lincoln Detox program. The day he was killed, the night he was killed, they had just attacked our clinic, physically. And anyone in the historical period would know that a National Caucus of Labor Committees had … tight tactics. They would just jump on the people, would beat them with nunchakus. That was their modus operandi. And so the day that Richard Taft was killed Peter Borne who was Reagan’s . . . I mean. . . I’m sorry. . . Carter’s East Coast Regional Campaign Manager, and the survey of the International Acupuncture availability for drug addiction, came to the clinic. He was the one. . . he was there was Richard Taft’s body was found. You want to know who Richard Borne was, I mean . . . Borne, his father was the person in Grenada who owned the American Medical University over there, who called in the troops saying that the Americans were under attack. So his son was there the same day that. . . Richard Taft was murdered. Now the murder was he was shot up with drugs in the back of the auditorium. That’s how he died. So that was to discredit the Acupuncture clinic as if the doctors of the clinic was drug addicts.

Announcer: Right, right. That he O.D.’ed

MS: And now, even if you accept the fact that he used drugs, which we don’t, why would he use it in the back of the auditorium. And die. Very shaky circumstances. Another great man that was killed, associated with the Lincoln Detox program was a man by the name of Stanley Cohen. A fantastic lawyer. This man had won every case that we had from Lincoln Detox. BLA cases, cases dealing with rights of the welfare clients, workers rights. He had defended Assata Shakur from three major trials. He was getting ready to go into Jersey for the last and final trial, because Assata Shakur was never convicted of the things that they allegedly were looking for her for. She was convicted for defending herself against an assassination plot on the New Jersey Turnpike which killed my brother Zayd Shakur and imprisoned Sundiata Coli. That last trial, just before we were going into that last trial, they found Stanley Cohen O.D.’ed on cocaine. He was the best attorney that the clinic had and that the revolutionaries had at that time, not famous like the rest of them.

Announcer: Okay. Now, we’ve covered so much. It’s been so fascinating.

MS: The reason why I’m covering all of this is because when you read about me and the Big Dance or you read about my POW position in the courts and the stand I take on international laws relates to our struggle. When I say that I’m a prisoner of war, I’m talking about low intensity warfare. I’m talking about a warfare that has been sanctioned as legitimate war by Protocols 1 and 2 of the International UN Convention. You follow me?

Announcer: Yeah.

MS: And I’m saying that we have to recognize that our suffering cannot be passed off as criminal. Follow me?. . .violation. I am part of a liberation movement. I accept that. I accept the fact that the United States government has waged war on us as a people and I believed in my actions are part of resistance to that war. Consequently, I am catching as a prisoner of war. Do you follow me?

Announcer: Yes.

MS: And so when I tell you what the war was like. When I talk to you about acupuncture, and I talk to about healing and I talk to you about legal work, and I talk to you about welfare work, that work is work that must be considered war work. Do you follow me?

Announcer: Right.

MS: Because if we are to save ourselves, we must be clear about what we’re dealing with. The lack of clarity creates the confusion. Do you follow me?

Announcer: Right.

MS: And so I give you this whole background because when you read about me or when they say things. . . I mean most of the time they don’t like talking about me because they can’t make me a classic criminal. They can’t make me a petty thief. You see. They have to deal with the whole, you can’t deal with the part. And so when we talk about all the ??, Abdul Majid of the Queens Two and Bashir Hameed. These men worked on housing. They worked for better housing in areas like Chicago and New York and Detroit and Philadelphia and Boston. We know what it is to have cold water flats. We know what it is to have rats and roaches and the landlord not coming taking care of that. More tropical areas might not understand the significance of fighting landlords and slumlords. You follow me?

Announcer: Uh huh.

MS: But these brothers, that’s the work they did in the community. And so now they are in jail fighting for a new trial for allegedly killing the policemen. You got Mumia in Philadelphia who was a radio personality, a person who dealt with the media, who gave the news, who dealt with the arts of African people, New African people. He’s getting ready. They are trying to execute him for defending himself against a policeman. Now how can you execute a political prisoner, a prisoner of war. You can’t do that and not violate the treaties of war. When you look at what’s going on with African National Congress (ANC) and the Pretoria government right now. The release of prisoners, the phases of release of prisoners. And this is why we must save Mumia, because if we allow him. . . allow them to kill Mumia, execute Mumia all of our future will be executed in pursuant of political struggle. When in other countries, prisoners of war are put in detention camps and saved until the negotiation happens.

Announcer: Well I find that in this country most people say Aprisoners of war, well you must be talking about those people that Ross Perot is talking about or something like there aren’t any prisoners of war or political prisoners in this country. I think that’s probably the myth that we have to dispel.

MS: Well it’s a myth because our movement, our people who deal with the media, do not our interpret our situations properly. So sure, if there’s only one war that people know about, the war against Saddam Hussein, then that’s the only war they’re going refer to. The war against drugs, Noriega. Then that’s the only war they’re going to refer to. So, we have to understand and we can’t charge genocide, we can’t demand reparations if we don’t realize that we can’t say at the same time that the existence of New African people is a war-like existence inside an oppressive colonized situation.

Announcer: Yes. You know that it seems to me along with the concept of being in war is the concept of nationhood. And when we talk about the concept of nationhood, in context of black people, New African people, we’re talking about a land base on this country. I wonder if you will tell us. . . if you could just elaborate for me how through your struggle you came to become a New African. What compelled you, what were the things that compelled you to identify yourself as such.

MS: Let me just say. You can’t put the cart before the horse.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: Right?

Announcer: Yeah.

MS: The issue is, are we at a state of conflict. If we are at a state of conflict, what is going to be the solution.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: You have to first accept there is a conflict. If you don’t accept there is a conflict, then you can’t fathom a separate nation. And if you do, it’s egotistical. Well I want my own. It’s without basis. But if you understand that we do not coexist in a vacuum, that we are in a life and death struggle. That the history of us being brought here and how we are treated since we’ve been here, demands that we come up with some formula to resolve this contradiction or else our condition, our condition and our circumstances might be the cause of the fall of all humanity on the planet earth. Because we must be free. Now, everybody doesn’t agree with that scenario. You follow me?

Announcer:Yeah that’s true.

MS: Some people believe that we can formulate a better living and life condition by participating in an integrated political and economic cultural system. Now, I do not say that they’re not revolutionaries. If they are hell bent on changing and changing the rights of people and forcing this government and developing a new government that integrates everybody into an equal formation and rights for everybody, well then all praises due to Allah. Fine. It still does not deal with the question: where do we find ourselves as New African people brought here as slaves. Okay?

Announcer: Right.

MS: But even in that society I will co-exist because you allow me to have my own culture or at least try to find where I’m going. You follow me?

Announcer: Yes.

MS: But, I contend that Utopia or that possibility for the last 150 years has not come to be. And in the process, we have been dying, dying, dying, dying, dying. And in order for us to understand what it is that we were fighting for, we must label what we’re for, and I’m fighting for a nation. A nation of New African people, not exclusively, but conclusively our nation that develops a culture that deals with our experience and that a culture that will allow the exercise, creativity, the potential of every man, woman and child that enters our nation. So, I come to that because I understood that I have to know why I’m fighting and might die. Why I sacrifice.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: People come to it for different reasons. You follow me?

Announcer: Yeah.

MS: And so we can intellectualize it. We can talk about what Malcolm talked about that all struggle is fought for land. The Turkish struggle, the struggle that you see in Europe and in the Soviet Union is a struggle for national identity. The different nations in the Soviet Union feel that they must have their own land base, they must make their own decisions, and formulate their own policies as it relates to other peoples in the world. And that was the mighty Soviet Union. So are you saying that that is not possible in America? And if it is possible, it’s going to be a war of Armageddon. Well I might agree with you. But it does not take away from the fact that you must know why your fighting and why you’re sacrificing and why you might die. You can’t be vague about that. ‘Cause what we’re struggling for is the control of the natural resources. And what you saw in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Iraq was a struggle to take a piece of the natural resources that has escaped the U.S. Imperialist’s powers because the emergence of territory nationalism.

Announcer: Okay. Now, let me ask you this, I’ve heard about the Shakur family. I mean, I’ve heard a lot of beautiful, positive things about. I wonder if you could tell me a little bit about how that. . . what that family is or that connection is. Could you?

MS: Yeah.

Announcer: I mean, it’s out of curiosity. I just heard a little bit about it.

MS: The Shakur family extends from a man by the name of Aba Saladin Shakur. Aba Saladin Shakur was responsible for fathering ?? Shakur, Zayd Malik Shakur, myself, Assata Shakur, Sekou Odinga, Abdul Majid, Malika Majid and many other New Africans who were part of the Republic of New Africa and the Black Panther Party and we were of the Shakur tribe. A very . . . Abba Shakur was one of the loyal members of the OAU and the Muslim Mosque Incorporated and a close associate of Brother Macolm Shabazz.

Announcer: Okay. Now, I understand your brother Tupac Shakur is . . . raises some consciousness through his records. As a matter of fact, I heard his last record. It was great.

MS: Yeah. Tupac is my son.

Announcer: Wow, Great, no kidding.

MS: He is being attacked by the powers that be because of his own individuality, his own message and ways of demonstrating how our lives, the absence of his extended family, me, Lumumba, Zayd, his mother a great woman, Afeni, one of the only two women in the Panther 21 case, who defended herself during the Panther 21 case and won. She was also a very key figure in the national COINTELPRO Litigation and Research formulation. A fantastic worker in housing and one of the key supporters of political prisoners and prisoners of war during the 1970′s. We understand that our children and a lot of things that men. . . you know it’s interesting that up, ’cause we just been talking in the family about how we’re going to handle the ?? confrontation. Let us be very clear, it is always admirable to have your children believe what you believe. It is always the legacy you like to continue. You feel like you commit yourself, your sacrifices so that they will know, and we have many children. Many of our children, the X-Clan is Sonny Carson’s son brother Lumumba. A great comrade. We grew all . . . this is all our family. But they all have seen what low intensity war means. My other son, little Mutulu is involved . . . was involved in the Toni Toni Toni thing, now him and his brother are together.

Announcer: Okay.

MS: Yeah. But we see is that many of our children suffer in ways that is yet to be analyzed from the intensity of the war that we have been struggling against. And because our community has not accepted that as a reality and because we are in jail. We are not able to give our family what you might give, not you personally, but they might be able to do in the confines of their home and in founding the culture and in going back to the Egyptology and the history of the Nile and the great cultural lessons that our children are getting. They always seem to forget to give the real, or research the struggle, the contemporary struggle that a major part of our people played a part in, in the ’50s, ’60, ’70s and ’80s and ’90s. And because we forget that our children who are directly connected to the intensity of the war are constantly evaluating the consequences.

Announcer: I see.

MS: And the way that they respond to the repression, oppression, sometimes might not be what we want them to do. But we, we have begun to understand what the residue of war means. Just like the people, the fathers and mothers in Angola who’s children have been shooting their mothers and shooting their fathers at the orders of Savimbi. Just like in South Africa where necklaces was required to rid the townships of informers. Just like the killings and beatings of young kids that are in the ANC and PAC. We will have to see in another generation how that has affected ?? ??, how that affected the masses of people. Are we immune to life and death. Does that mean we lose our passion for living. Is that why we see the killing of old ladies and the drive by shootings of innocent children and the lyrics. . . you know, explaining phenomena heretofore not connected to the principals of our community. We must make that analysis and when you make that analysis I think that the audience will agree that we have a serious problem and you cannot call it genetic like their trying to evaluate our children and say that we are violence prone. And if we allow that you going to allow the gas chambers. If you allow every child to be fingerprinted and foot printed, you’re going to allow the gas chambers. If you do not understand that the Tuskegee experiment about the sex allowing men to walk around with syphilis for 30 and 40 years and then we come up with AIDS. If you don’t see it, I mean, you know. . .

Announcer: Yeah, what can you say?

MS: It’s nothing. . .so you know we all go to the next level with a different understanding. So yeah, those are our children and, you know, KRS1 and MC Light and all of the Rappers, brother Prince and all of these people are yelling out what they see as a political reality. But for lack of a structure and you have to accept the fact that Minister Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam are overtly courting and supporting Ice T and Ice Cube and rightfully they should, they should. And say you got to admire that, but we must do the same. Not we meaning separate from the Nation of Islam but a non-religious formation must purely embrace and support and protect the ?? of the youth of today.

Announcer: Wow. It’s been just fantastic having you on the air. I really hope we can do this again sometime. It has been. . . you know we talk. . . I talk about it on the air, the history that you didn’t get from Eyes on the Prize.

MS: Oh no question.

Announcer: You know what I’m saying.

MS: But it’s a good foundation. It’s a good foundation. I think what is missing from Eyes on the Prize is the filler. How did Willy Ricks get to. . .you know. . .Black Power. And how did the struggle between SNCC develop and. . . you know. . .how did the love that you see between Martin and Kwame even though they disagreed practically.

Announcer: Yeah. yeah.

MS: I think it’s important to see that when the Deacons for Defense were securing the men and women marching from Montgomery to Mississippi that they were being protected by the Deacons for Defense. That was a capitulation on Martin’s behalf that security was needed at some point. So everybody was growing. You know. It’s an evolutionary process. And we have to analyze that. One of the things that it made clear is that we had to clearly define what it is we want. Non-violence cannot be an objective, it can be a strategy but it can’t be an objective.

Announcer: Okay, Brother. We’re about to sign off right now ’cause I’m about to run out of time in about 2 minutes. If there is any final message that you like to shout out the Chicago land audience and who ever else this may go out to.

MS: Yes. I’d just like to say that I’ve met some great men that have come out of Chicago, that have been in prison. This is my first time in prison. I think that we need . . . all the communities need to come closer together. I think we have to realize that we must support our political prisoners. We must internationalize our support for our political prisoners. We must make that a requirement for our support for other causes because all other causes support their political prisoners. It is not suspicion for the whole half of America to raise up for Nelson Mandela and not raise up for Sekou Odinga and Mumia Abu Jamal and Geronimo Pratt. We must see our struggle in its proper context and we must see the severity of it. And we must have more love for each other. And we must stop being afraid to be in the community offering the solution and deal with it completely and decisively.

Announcer:, All right, Brother. It’s been good having you on the air.

MS: Okay.

Announcer: Free the land.

MS: Free the land and the man.

Announcer: Okay. Bye bye. All right brothers and sisters, that was sure inspirational. Man, some type of history, huh. I’m going to be clearing the airways here…

This paper is a response to questions and concerns regarding the “Discussion Paper” of the application of a Truth and Reconciliation Tribunal that addresses the conflict between the civil rights/black liberation struggle against the U.S. COINTELPRO low intensity warfare.

There are some among our ranks who have raised some legitimate and novel questions and concerns as to why I have chosen to espouse the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) process. I do this to shed light on, and to gain relief for, our political prisoners and allies of the black liberation movement. Below, I will endeavor to address some of the questions and concerns.

1. The people in South Africa had/have serious problems with the TRC put together by the ANC.

2. The people in South Africa believe that the national leaders sold them out by allowing their names to be used as the ones that were heading up the commission.

3. The people in South Africa believe that the illegal regime used the process to absolve the state apparatus of its complicity in crimes against humanity and to circumvent judicial review under the International Court in The Hague.

4. The people in South Africa believe that the Africans/blacks would be, and were the only, ones telling the truth.

It’s important to acknowledge and understand that activists in our movement, who have made an effort to build support for political prisoners and prisoners of war in the U.S., have utilized and exhausted all available avenues that were open to them to gain relief for our freedom fighters.

We should understand that a process that gains relief for our freedom fighters should naturally contain the memorializing of our rich history of our contemporary resistance to the repressor’s racism, economic apartheid, etc.. This history is important for the present generation of activists who seem to have no notion of the countless and enormous sacrifices that were made to pave the way for their present condition.

We must address the prevailing amnesia, and we must be successful in our earnest endeavor in the development of a mass base that through its will and organizational accomplishments, usher in a victory that accepts the existence of New African Freedom Fighters.

The false equating of our freedom fighters, political prisoners, and prisoners of war to so-called terrorists must be vehemently combated for we are not terrorists! The government has won the battle of molding and shaping the narrative that those of us who dare to resist oppression, without passing go, are terrorists. Terrorism is just another method of resistance, which should not as it exists today, include New African Freedom Fighters and our armed resistance to oppression here in the U.S.. It’s important to understand the effect the oppressors’ propaganda has had on the normal activist’s willingness to become engaged.

The word terrorist, unlike communist and fascist, is being abused by the oppressors as it disguises reality and impoverishes language and makes a banality out of the discussion of war, revolution, conflict, and politics. As Christopher Hitchens once said, “It’s the perfect instrument for the cheapening of public opinion and for the intimidation of dissent.”

A process that is developed on a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and/or the tribunals, has been the model used around the world. It allows for open discussion on the issue of resistance versus the state; it allows for a definition of terrorism that does not criminalize legitimate forms of resistance against oppression. It equally provides an avenue for healing and rebuilding, or at the very least, it provides a starting point post-conflict.

South Africa has no monopoly on the TRC process. The process has been accepted as a resolution process around the world. Furthermore, the TRC process is in fact an incomplete recording of the conflicts to which it has hitherto been applied.

It’s undeniable that our objective condition has more in common with the South African condition than most others. It’s important that our “think tanks” truly do an objective study of the TRC application process to be more precise as to its application to our struggle and situation. In terms of the special nature of our conflict, the Ireland application of a TRC and the Chilean application of a TRC combined could be transformed into a TRC that exactly fits our needs, but even then it will still not be a perfect fit.

A TRC process could not vet the New African/black civil rights conflict, and our engagement must not presume that such a process will resolve 400 year odd years of conflict, or totally memorialize the aspect of armed resistance missing in the present black history.

There is no question that to ignore the victimization of the vast majority of our people would be a recipe for the escalation of enmity between the races, and especially with the rise of the tea party in 2009 with its racist motto “we want our country back,” and its racist anti-Obama agenda.

The President of Chile in 1990 allowed for the creation of a national commission that was based on the principle of the TRC model. The process in Chile was politically fashioned to limit the inquiries into only those individuals who had disappeared. The President of Chile steadfastly resisted the disclosure of the names and ranks of the perpetrators who had committed countless human rights abuses. In Brazil, the TRC included no criminal charges against the military junta but it eventually provided the path for freedom for a woman guerilla that became president of the country.

It is important that our researchers not limit our method of the application of the specific process, and rather we should become innovators in creating a process in substitution that addresses our own reality.

Our history during the Civil Rights/black liberation Movement for black people that was waged against the backdrop of the low intensity warfare director by J. Edgar Hoover’s counterintelligence program must be memorialized through a process.

The moral difficulty in pursuit of justice will be task driven, to the transition from domestic legal tactics to international application of justice based on the principles of international legal standards. The essence of justice is the universal principles applied nationally and internationally.

Certain applications of the TRC have granted blanket amnesty in all circumstances to the state forces, civilians, and combatants to ensure peace throughout the country.

Yet, other applications of the TRC have prosecuted violators of human rights abuses, and those who took up arms and opposed the perpetrators of said abuses. Some commissions conducted investigations and applied amnesty on a case-by-case basis. Some of the findings of the commission were even revealed to the public and even more hearings were conducted in public forums. Some countries have even provided for the victims and the families of human rights abuses.

Many governments and leaders of the international body claim to have helped to bring about the end of apartheid in South Africa after many, many years of neglect and supporting the atrocious behavior of the illegal regime. However, their failure to support resolution after resolution in the UN and other international institutions of persuasion were based in large part on those governments and leaders’ unique relationship with the U.S.. Needless to say, many lives were lost while the world staunchly supported that illegal regime.

The U.S. after many, many years of contradictions did engage with the international negotiations to end the racist regime in South Africa and institute a process to address the bitterness left from decades of internal conflict.

In South Africa the United States accepted and encouraged the TRC as a process for internal conflict resolution. In the United States, this government should also see the justification and applications of the same type of process to address the years of Jim Crow segregation and the apartheid era here in America as essential to ending the conflict in a peaceful manner.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission

Objective:

To have a national and international body. To conduct an equitable and unbiased investigation into the infractions and violations of the U.S. Constitution and U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights perpetrated by official organs of the U.S. Government under COINTELPRO (in regards to what is often referred to as “low intensity warfare,”) and to take the imperative steps to formulate and conduct official hearings and investigations under the auspices of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC.) A model similar in structure only to the TRC established in the Post-Apartheid South Africa era which applied the modern international standards “explicit means” of resolving international conflict(s.)

(A) The status of those who have been identified by popular opinion as political prisoners and prisoners of war, imprisoned on U.S. Territory, in the aftermath of the civil rights/black liberation struggle; and , as it pertains to the granting of amnesty and their unconditional release: And,

(B) Whether or not the liberation struggle was a legitimate revolutionary movement in accordance with and defined by the U.N. General Assembly Resolution #3103 and ratified on December 12th, 1973 and protocols 1 and 2. Additionally, if “our” political prisoners and prisoners of war satisfies the standards of the Norgaard Principles.

Goals:

1. To develop a process to conduct official hearings and investigations under a commission with a twofold purpose:

(A) To demand the establishment of the TRC under authority of the U.S. Congress, and

(B) To garner the endorsement and active support of various NGOs along with the support of the U.N. General Assembly and Security Council Member Nations. To apply international pressure to try and persuade the U.S. Government to take an active role in a TRC established under the authority and supervision of The Office of the U.N. High Commission for Human Rights or an agreed alternative.

2. Establish an exploratory committee from amongst restorative justice practitioners.

3. Solicit the assistance from those South Africans who participated in the Truth and
Reconciliation process that was conducted in their country, and the esteemed black and white advocates from North America’s struggle.

4. Request assistance from the South Africans who participated in the TRC process in their country to help develop a process and a step-by-step strategy for applying the TRC process to address crimes against humanity that was committed by the U.S. government against people of African descent who were forcefully abducted from the land of their birth. In addition to the matter of amnesty and the unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of war being held in the U.S. prison system as a consequence of their political activities in which they engaged as a direct response to the acts and policies of the U.S. government which they viewed as crimes against humanity and peoples.

5. Appeal to and solicit the assistance at the local, national, and international levels of black/New African politicians, in addition to high profile media, artists, and others of influence. To present and explain the narrative(s), outlining the process demanding freedom for our political prisoners and prisoners of war, as well establish an accurate record of “our history” of resistance and sacrifices.

6. Organize a viable grass root public-awareness campaign in order to promote and explain the idea(s) for the need of a TRC which shall maintain and keep the focus of the issue at hand and others of importance at all times on the front burner. The grass root campaign should be that of a collective broad-base of networks, comprised of the various political prisoners and prisoners of war support committees, progressive experts, local, national, and international organizations and their affiliates.

It is important to build a base amongst its political prisoners (P.P.) and prisoner of war (P.O.W.s) support groups. Our challenge is to distinguish between a strategy pursued by most political prisoner-P.O.W. support and defense committees to achieve amnesty through a COINTELPRO hearing and the development of the Truth and Reconciliation Tribunal confronting the U.S. government’s low intensity warfare against the Civil Rights/black liberation Movement.

The strategic view in my opinion would be that a COINTELPRO hearing will assist in creating the political climate in which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission could be established with the focus to resolve past atrocities by giving voice to the forgotten survivors, combatants, and allies on toward to a peaceful conflict resolution by a means of an alternative dispute resolution mechanism.

The pursuit of COINTELPRO hearings, as to the disclosure justification process, has a much longer activist history. In some cases legally, and to a smaller degree politically, it is understandable why veterans of human rights forces feel mistakenly that the COINTELPRO and TRC are interchangeable. My argument is that they’re interrelated, but not interchangeable.

It is my position that the COINTELPRO commission format is not a process in it of itself that requires both conflicting parties to be revealed, rather our movement simply presents to the public. Hopefully with the process of the Freedom of Information Act, political information and testimony retrieved from the Freedom of Information Act process will pertain to the abuse by the state against the targeted group with no political agreement or incentive for the abuser to be forthcoming.

The Truth and Reconciliation Administrator of the tribunal on the U.S. government’s low intensity warfare waged on the black liberation/Civil Rights Movement, including the COINTELPRO era, should be able to do the following:

(A) Provide the retention of past history of political and legal advocacy for human rights on a national and international standard of law.

(B) Possess the ability to articulate the distinguishing concepts of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission unique to the United States and the African population.

(C) Possess familiarity with various think tanks and intellectual associations within higher education historian societies that can help build the narrative for the alternative dispute process such as the TRC in the United States.
(D) Believe in the benefit of the TRC’s ability to achieve a sufficient documentation of human rights abuses during the period identified as the civil rights/black liberation/COINTELPRO era.

(E) Possesses proven ability to build administrative predictability in staff and operational infrastructure, providing a process that builds on various resources and skill sets that already exist.

(F) Possesses the ability to navigate among friendly and adversarial media outlets, in addition to being comfortable with information technology and social networking.

(G) Direct the development of a “New African” policy initiative lobby that helps to create the narrative and political opportunity that generates within the electoral process the policy that envisions the TRC demand for a COINTELPRO hearing that will assist in creating the political climate in which the Truth and Reconciliation Tribunal or Commission could be established with focus on a peaceful conflict resolution.

It is true that post-9/11, the reemergence of the same tactics disclosed through the Church Committee of COINTELPRO (in the early 70s of COINTELPRO) demonstrated that in many cases some of the same political prisoners, prisoners of war, and anti imperialists in U.S. prison again remain targeted as enemies of the state based on the conflict in the past which applied low intensity warfare to prevent the rise of a “Black ‘Messiah’” as directed by then director of the F.B.I. J.E. Hoover. This highlights the distinction between disclosure and resolution as it distinguishes the role of COINTELPRO hearings from the TRC hearings.

In the 1970s, we founded and directed the national task force for COINTELPRO litigation and research to increase public awareness of the F.B.I. counterintelligence program within the infected organization of the New African movement at a time when few were informed of its existential tactics, strategy, and effects.

It is one thing to make the point that many organizations and individuals of the black liberation era are still oppressed in what is advertised in the world as “the most free society.” Yet it is much more difficult to lay out the continuous cause of that oppression and the way in which it is perpetuated while identifying a process that addresses the direction that ends in the desired result. This desired result would be an alternative dispute process that is empowered to grant conditional amnesty, in addition to being charged with the duty of uncovering the truth about certain historical events.

In this respect our objective can adopt from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Committee (SATRC) model as to the infrastructure by developing two parallel objectives:

(A) Human Rights Violation Committee: These would be hearings in which survivors tell their “narratives” and “experiences.”

(B) Amnesty Committee: These would be hearings in where the accused (both from the state and the movement) come forward in the hopes of being granted amnesty and prove that their deeds were both politically motivated and proportional.

The controlling rule is that transparency will play a major role that will allow all parties to see the process and have their opportunity to bring forth their perspective and experiences. This process will allow for the feel of legitimacy while following the above (A&B) objectives. In this era of social media, there exists the ability to give a broad segment of the generations of the civil rights/black liberation era the capability to interact with and distinguish the U.S. TRC process from the 38 other TRCs held around the world. The SATRC were very vested in the public knowledge of their process and testimony. Although the weakness of the SATRC, after 17 years and about 90 books on the subject, is that the written report is still not available to the mass of South Africans, Azania. It has been the understanding that the documents only cost about $300 and the public record is controlled by the Justice Department and is still being withheld. This pitfall must not be allowed to happen in our process.

On the contrary, we want an informed public debate to advance the discourse in both reports (A&B) and their application of transitional justice, a comparatively new invented tradition of the twentieth century devices as a way to cope with the past and present internal conflict in the systematic violation of human rights.

A truth commission is a new class of international law that creates a new paradigm in the field of transitional justice in that it is designed as an alternative to trial with the rule of engagement based on negotiations between a state’s internal conflicting parties, in some cases applying existing international instruments, in other cases not so much.

The era of the hearing to be addressed that is manageable is a strategy for the broadest of support for several reasons. The testimony of acts in question remain in the realm of justice denied in the collective consciousness of our people. It also encompasses transition in tactical use by the state as well as the tactic for the Commission, Human Rights Violation Committee, as well as the Amnesty Committee. Finally, the documentation of the process is focused enough to warn conflicting parties of similar signs in the future to circumvent past oppressive behavior.

A truth commission in the United States that would cover 1950-1995 will cover 45 years. Between the overlapping timeline would be the optimal targeting periods of the Committee of UnAmerican Activity, the J.E. Hoover COINTELPRO, and the Church Committee findings.

The most important distinction between the SATRC and the U.S. government hearings is that there was no identifiable transition period that signaled the end of the era reflected by the above strategy disclosure in the South Africa hearings. The phase began in 1960 for the SATRC and terminated in 1995.

There is no way that our desired targeted period could encompass the breadth of the human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the United States. It is important however that whatever period we cover encompasses the period of the Civil Rights and black liberation Movement period. Why? Because the survivors and participants of that generation who were activists (as as well as the perpetrators of the states) are available to provide the history as such to establish the patterns of the abuses and the rationale for their method of resistance that need be memorialized to saying nothing of the need to provide amnesty for the political prisoners and prisoners of war who still remain imprisoned after all these years.

The limitation of the present law in realizing a need for providing a process for conflict resolution only helps to prolong the human rights violations of charged freedom fighters in contrast to post-9/11 laws, be they international law or domestic law, have been manipulated in order to render a whole class of prisoners without an identifiable legal process that applies even to the minimum protection of the U.S. Constitution that considers it a right to at least provide the accused a process. So it’s clear that the state will alter laws and process to address different stages of conflict.

Let’s consider the political trial during the period between 1960-1996. The accused of our movement while fighting for their freedom endeavor used the procedures of their trial to memorialize, dramatize, and document the crimes against our people’s humanity. This is a Herculean dexterous task of great sacrifice of ones freedom, but essential to establishing motive for our history and the adherence to international standard.

The reality is in almost all of our political trials. The trial process in the U.S. does not further by design the objective for transitional justice. The best legal practitioners, who remain political naturals in applying the law by necessity use tactics that undermine the intent of the accused political defendant and generally the result is a denial of justice for all political prisoners.

The political prisoners who have been captured and accused, while in general accept being apart of the movement, therefore they accept the responsibility to have a political trial even though it is generally against their attorney’s advice. The process of the trial by its nature means they carry the responsibility of all the charged acts of the political period and whether the prisoners have knowledge or not in this setting the truth suffers and a process for transitional justice is abandoned or worse yet, not realized because in the United States there is no process for political reconsideration resolution. Our aim should be to evolve the process. The state’s propaganda furthers their narrative in characterizing the movement and accused so as to justify the state abuse of power and violation of human rights similar to patterns that existed and used by the “third forces” revealed during the South African Truth and Reconciliation Hearings. In this setting, there are more prisoners of political character and motive who are in prison. This apparatus that has served as the primary tool of the U.S. justice and prison system function in a parallel axis to smother any acknowledgment that exists of internal conflict that require an alternative dispute mechanism not only for relief for our prisoners but healing of the spiritual and physical wounds the survivor of the conflict has endured.

In a so-called free society and great democracy, the battle between truth and justice is ambiguous. The use of the long unjustified and selective sentencing and denial of patrol create a stage that they hope will further the nation’s collective amnesia that will manifest a class of “forgotten” disappeared prisoners and survivors.

That is why it is essential that the freeing of political prisoners and P.O.W.s would be the crucial result of the TRC Amnesty Committee process. In the South African TRC Amnesty Committee Hearings (HRVC) 854 political prisoners were freed through the process, keeping in mind the period of review was between 1960-1992-(4), clearly a period that addresses our needs.

Culture is Political in the Throngs of Oppression

From 1957-1997 the acts of horror carried out against the various groups and individuals of our resistance became the themes of songs, music, and dance, proving crucial to the political mobilization and awareness of the status of resistance and the department of repression.

Culture served the masses of South Africa to become observers of the non-fictional text, highlighting so many survivors with their tales of suffering that they carried alone with the fear that they and their burden may be forgotten. In turn, it was the culture’s tradition to make use of call and response. The natural response and expression that kept the younger generation engaged in the outcome of both the Human Rights Violation Committee (HRVC) and the Amnesty Committee Hearings (ACH.) To much of the world, the Truth and Reconciliation Hearing became the theater of anguish of the apartheid system. In the truest sense of the term, drama was a very important tool in the South African success of the TRC.

The task here in the United States as we prepare to pursue a process that distinguishes our situation juxtaposed to South Africa’s, is that our present younger generation is still suffering paramount abuse and transgenerational trauma based on race and class while lacking engagement and dare we say suffers political amnesia while being emotionally and spiritually disconnected. We demand a political process that heals the pain or at least acknowledges the psychological and emotional damage done to past generations that fought a U.S. style of apartheid system which now demands some aspect of resolution and expressing of the specific details of how the abuse was carried out so as to be warned of such tactics for the safety of their future. There can be no parallel to traumatic events that characterize our resistance to oppression and the terror our freedom fighters repelled many times with nothing but the sound of James Brown telling us “To get up and get down”-”Say it loud I’m black and I’m proud.”

There is no other way for us to realize the outline objectives unless we do not gravitate squarely in the gut of this political process with the participation of our hip hop, reggae, and neo soul artists by creating a collective narrative for the healing process. What can encourage this process is by having respected artists in the grassroots movement writing screenplays, promoting the saga from the history of our resistance. Examples of this include HBO’s SATRC film “Red Dust,” Lucky Dube of South Africa, Bob Marley inspired our support for the nation of Zimbabwe, and Fela Kuti fought for the freedom of Africa. The so-called generational gap and the period of resistance, this amnesia can be closed by the interconnectiveness with all of our artists. If the goal is to guide their motivation, hip hop and reggae can influence the upswing of the younger generation. In the Middle East, it is the songs, the beats, the lyrics that, in absent of a leader, articulated the demands and hopes of those who are in search of a better future. We must acknowledge our artists’ role in our resistance and its healing in our political process. The call to go forward should be heard in the lyrics of our hip hop, reggae, and neo-soul artists, specifically for the freedom fighters, political prisoners and prisoners of war, and the tales of resistance and struggle in ire sounds.

This is most important when we see the similarities to the SATRC model in that public hearings would be key to conflict resolution. The past crisis is also about the optic of the theater of conflict where special reports may not read deep into the pain and suffering lacking expression. Even in the post-TRC South Africa, the analysis commission is somewhat cynical of accomplishing its goal. Many survivors know that the climate of their suffering and resistance and sacrifices are memorialized for future generations by their artists.

Here in the United States our civil rights/national liberation movement artists are similar to the South African artists of all genres. They too were motivating for our journey into the abyss. To resist, when overpowered, we endured in the face of hopelessness, leading to our older generation and younger generation staying united in spirit because the beat of the drums, the lyrics of our poets, the rhythm of Motown, Curtis Mayfield, James Brown, and Gil Scott Heron. It was Stevie Wonder’s “Happy Birthday to Ya” that pushed for the celebration of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday. It was Nina Simone who insisted that we internalized the pain of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination. She encouraged us to be strong, and told us to be “Gifted” in her song “To Be Young, Gifted, and Black.” As did Chuck D and Public Enemy when they reintroduced Malcolm X to the “X” Generation with “Fight the Power.”

Gil Scott Heron told us that the truth of our revolution “Would not be televised.” Gil Scott connected the struggle to the youth with the anthem “What’s the Word” from the song “Johannesburg.” This document does not provide a clear study of the role of our musical artists, poets, and actors in our resistance. Our artists and the hip hop/reggae movement are the tip of the spear that reminds the people of their past and directs them towards the future.

Tupac Shakur, in his song “White Man’z World,” pushed for the release of political prisoners and to bring exiles (like Michael Cetewayo Tabor and Donald Cox) a fair hearing. Tupac, having been raised in the midst of the liberation movement and its culture, was heavily impacted by it and despite the struggles he encountered, he not only embodied the likes of Chuck D, Nina Simone, Stevie Wonder, and Gil Scott Heron, he reflected for the next generation why such crucial matters like education and equality should always be strived for implacably when he said in “Words of Wisdom,”

“So get up, it’s time to start nation buildin’/
I’m fed up, we gotta start teaching children/
That they can be all that they want to be/
There’s much more to life than just poverty”

Our effort to put forward a TRC in America that will guide our development for a meaningful structure in order to accomplish our objective will have to be driven with the desire for that political process.

The realization of a TRC for our specific purpose should not be solely an intellectual exercise and forum. Our above stated aim should be to stimulate information about specific events, public debates, and advance the discourse on restorative justice, transitional justice, and alternative dispute mechanisms that will help formulate national policy that should be sponsored by our elected representatives.

While there will be a continual critiquing of the ultimate benefit of the SATRC model, many doubters will prudently alert our movement as to its pitfalls. It should be noted that even many of the SATRC commissioners stress the establishment of their TRC was particular to South Africa’s unique needs. There has been at least 16 TRC around the world prior to embarking on the SATRC model. The commission has admitted that their process was not as organized as the results might indicate as there was no precedent for their specific need. Our North American Truth and Reconciliation Commission will have 38 TRCs from around the world to draw from, however we too will be challenged in respect to expressing the inefficiencies of the courts and civil prosecutions in regards to addressing the disclosure of human rights violations.

The task at hand is creating an atmosphere with a broad enough demand focusing on the civil right/black liberation era which indicates a centric demand while giving respect to both segments of the movement’s sacrifice for our people and abuse suffered by our people. This process should primarily be designed on a negotiated agreement.

Our interest and preference is for a structure similar to the SATRC model because of the result of the amnesty committee that freed 849 freedom fighters. The freeing of political prisoners and prisoners of war of the black liberation movement indicates success. There are also unresolved disappearances of many blacks/non Africans carried out during the civil right era including hangings and terror that has yet to even be discussed. The process that opens the flood gates of the level of human rights violations as apart of the testimony to human rights violations will go a long way in the healing process.

As in South Africa, the exposing of the special squads’ such as the ‘Crowbar’ and ‘Third Force’ police counter insurgent units that operated during the 70s, 80s, and 90s will help set the example in how we sharpen the COINTELPRO disclosure, similar to the role the Goldstone Commission on Public Violence and Intimidation did. The bombing of MOVE in Philadelphia is prime for truth resolution and an answer for why all the children (sans Birdie Africa) had to die.

As so many New Africans of the so-called greatest generation are about to make their transformation, our people owe them their true place in history.

There is a new social, economic, and even political agenda in the so-called “black/New African Nations” progressive social struggle.

The past social struggle is still relevant, but part of today’s progressive social political struggle should be the development of the TRC in order to truly define the political social progression from the past to the present progressive political social agenda which will help build a mass organization to accomplish our objective.

We have waged various levels of political social struggles for progress that included self defense in a highly restrictive and racist environment, being surrounded daily by hostile forces while being outnumbered, being deficient materially, and engaged through low intensity warfare with our priorities being manipulated and disorganized. It is very possible that the North American Truth and Reconciliation Commission process will help define how to tactically and strategically overcome such odds in order to achieve for our future generations the concrete goals and objectives we desire.

The general dependence of our movement on international instruments for recognition in a post-9/11 world is an exercise in wishful thinking.

The Obama era has not seen the U.N. and N.G.O. instruments operate constructively. The process of restorative justice and alternative dispute mechanisms are solutions that are an internally generated apparatus for internal conflict and post-conflict. This new language and structure are becoming part of a resolution tool and culture of the international human rights circle.

There are standouts that will help to bring attention and give our North American Truth and Reconciliation Commission the observation and approval to those inside the international culture. We will have to become self-reliant and creative in building a social movement that will create the conditions we seek. An instructive example is Judge Goldstone, who during the South African-Pre Resolution, was a standout that set the precedent in exposing the abuse of power of the racist illegal South African government’s legal system. Goldstone’s report was the precursor to the implementation of the SATRC. It is important that the foundation of the North American Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s conceptualization of philosophy, theory, ideology, and policy drives the concrete objective, principle, values, strategy, and tactics.

The perpetrator will do all to undermine the process. The broader the base demand for this process that will give both sides an incentive to participate in the process the closer we will be in accomplishing our goal and objective.

This is the age of social media where the tragic dramas presented in testimony to a broad base of the American public will hopefully inform and expose the present generation and future generations to lessons this country need not repeat.

“A revolutionary isn’t born out of something ‘good’” but of “wretchedness and bitterness.” Rigoberta Menchu noted. “Out of suffering comes the strongest of soul” Khalil Gibran once said, and with that, may I remind you that history will judge us by our struggle.

Aim High and Go All Out,
Stiff Resistance,
Dr. Mutulu Shakur

Dated: May 5th, 2010There is a need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the U.S. to resolve the history of slavery, oppression, racism, segregation, lynching and the issues of political prisoners of the Civil Rights Black Liberation Struggle who fought against these gross human rights abuses.The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was also a process setup in South Africa to redress the gross violations of human rights by the apartheid regime.  It was a tool to assist a peaceful transition to a democratic society by public acknowledgement of the gross human rights abuses by the government and its agents.

It allows the victim’s voices to be heard and the perpetrators to confess their crimes against humanity in an application for amnesty, as well as amnesty for political prisoners.

The idea of crimes against humanity comes under International law and the Geneva Convention adopted by the world at the U.N. the liability of such violations lies on nations as well as individuals who fight against the violators of human rights.

The idea is premised on the fact, to truly have a democratic society transitioning from one where human rights violations and crimes against humanity were grave and extensive, there has to be a process for reconciliation, acknowledgment of abuses, documentation of abuses, accountability, reparation and an effort to establish the facts.

Encompassing this process is the idea of amnesty to “solidify” the democratic society.  As one considers these principles and ideas of the truth and reconciliation commission and considers the history of race relations and the gross human rights abuses against Blacks and particularly Black political prisoners for opposing the “neo-apartheid” in America.  It must be said that the democratic process will never truly work in America without such a commission.

The idea that 400 years of gross and shocking human rights abuses against blacks in America, especially in the civil rights and black liberation struggle era of the 1950’s through the 1980’s and the mass killings and imprisonment during the black liberation struggle particularly through the infamous Co-intel-pro by the CIA and FBI cannot be overlooked or omitted as crimes against humanity under International Law and Geneva conventions and to do so is shortsighted and anti-democratic.

The same events happened in South Africa under the apartheid regime, the ANC (African National Congress) and other Freedom fighters organizations against apartheid were targeted, killed, harassed, terrorized and imprisoned for their opposition to the treatment and laws against Blacks.

But as the facts of history prove the ANC and other freedom fighters against apartheid were the pursuers of human rights and human dignity while the apartheid government was the violator of these rights and therefore violators of International law and the Geneva Conventions.

Furthermore, it must be understood that it doesn’t have to be a complicit act by the whole government but agents of the government can fulfill the obligation for culpability of crimes against humanity.

Such is the story in the US and the agents who carried out these agendas, FBI, CIA through various programs most notably the co-intel-pro by FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, with explicit intent to target, neutralize, harass, kill, destroy and imprison Black liberation movement participants who opposed the violations of human rights against Blacks in the US. Many of these victims, political prisoners, are still imprisoned today.

The argument is they should be granted amnesty under the International standards as victims of crimes against humanity committed by the US government and various agents thereof. The facts and histories are well documented that can leave no doubt as to these political prisoners being victims of state repression, prosecution, and suppression for confronting the US government and its agents for the crimes they were covertly and overtly committing against blacks in the US.

The legal quagmire of the New African/Black liberation struggle by political prisoners committees have not yet realized a process that encompasses a class or found an objective mechanism that allows for a legal review based on standard universal acceptance of political offenses.

In various court cases, our support committees, political organizations, and legal advocates have been forces to fight each legal battle on a case by case basis, while targeted individuals could not forward a process that embraces a national resolution for all political prisoners and POW’s.

In some instances the political prisoners organizations have embraced the US legal system tactically while others not so much.  Most organizations, committees, and support groups acknowledge that an internal conflict exists, important regarding developing a methodology and execution of a national resolution for a Truth and Reconciliation process, the jury is still out, its desired application.

Although I have not as of yet encountered a clear and articulate opposition from the various political prisoners committees or any resistance for a Truth and Reconciliation commission (TRC) as a method to win freedom for political prisoners in the US of the co-intel-pro era.  An acceptance has been muted indicated by lack of a process that realizes its application.

The indications are that the thinking is that the South African TRC with all its benefits and flaws conflicts with US political prisoners organizations ideologies and principle positions regarding the outcome of a such a TRC process that is being debated in America.  We should wait and see if it fails on analysis and application in this reality within the political prisoner and prisoner of war front.

My analysis is that the US political prisoners committee see the South African-TRC as a “brand” where one size fits all, which is an erroneous perspective based on the objective reality of the wide application of TRC internationally to resolve internal conflict.  The Black/New Africans call for a process to politicise the legal obstacle within the context of international standards for amnesty, freedom, and relief for our PP’s and POW’s predate the South African brand of TRC therefore its application as to the New African nation as a political process should be viewed in this new light.

Clearly the US state department its domestic intelligence apparatus and the political parties have work to limit the church committee report to an internal domestic perspective while strategically various members of the PP’s and POW class have reached relevant political solutions within the US legal context that has gained relief for some while politically pacifying the development of a process for the class of New African PP’s and POW that could expose the nature and breathe of the conflict providing relief.

The New African/black PP and POW classes have been denied any relevant prisoner class relief politically.

I don’t consider the freedom of Geronimo Pratt, Angela Davis, Dhoruba Moore, Huey B. Newton and many of the paroled, exonerated freedom fighters as a representation of a process for our class within a historical context, that objective still needs to be realized in a true post internal conflict process as compared to standards set in other post internal conflict resolutions it falls far short.

The review of applying the truth and reconciliation commission to resolve internal conflict of nation states and the various methodology principles and justification is in my opinion an important analysis to resolving the suffering, isolation, and in some cases abandonment of our political prisoners.

The conflict that existed between the United States and the Black/New African liberation struggle particularly the FBI cointelpro low intensity counterinsurgency against civil rights, Black liberation struggle represented a specific era.

The US and South African historical racial policy parallel each other for most of the 19th and 20th century.  The historical development and distinction of the racial policy is very important for study and analysis particularly as we evaluate the process of resolution.

The institution of a Truth and Reconciliation commission encouraged by International parties governments and corporations was a method of an “alternative dispute mechanism” to resolve the intensity of war and the casualties on both sides.  The nature of apartheid and the resistance to apartheid did not present a perfect pathway to military and political settlement in south Africa the acts committed by all parties in the conflict repression and war also presented our comrades in the throngs of struggle believing in a revolutionary vision that could exist post apartheid and they were also relentless in their resistance.

Conversely the military political protectors of apartheid were repressive by the use of extra judicial counter intelligence low intensity warfare tactics to extend the white minority domination over the black majority.

While the war was brutal and in may cases it shocked the conscience by extent of gross violations of human rights and the International norm.  The international body never saw the need to charge the South African Apartheid regime with attempted genocide or to bring the regime up on war crimes (clearly this discussion paper can not cover the breadth of the International Community and security council of the UN posture but it should be reviewed and analyzed.)

Facing the dilemma the negotiators searched for a process internally that could resolve the contentions that existed between warring elements for the post apartheid resolution in a negotiated settlement.

One that would allow the various sides to save face and provides relief to their imprisoned comrades giving comfort to the victims and allowing the parties of the conflict to move forward in establishing a new post apartheid existence in south Africa.

So in order to come to a negotiated peace, an alternative dispute mechanism was reached that could develop a method to establish politically motivated action within some form of judicial review for resolution requiring both sides to accept as well as distinguish the deviant criminal actions from an amnesty pardon for political offenses.

In the end the solution was the realization of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission.  So this process and definition, which we’ll explore more completely was applied as the TRC to our history.

The historical struggle to have the United States to admit its human rights violations during its low-intensity warfare-counterinsurgency program general accepted, as the Co-intel-pro articulated under the FBI director J. Edgar Hoover has not yet identified a black prisoner class that acted in response to that era of political repression.  As political prisoners and prisoners of war we are duly entitled to amnesty under some form or a process that acknowledges the bilateral process of an alternative dispute mechanism where there are no winners.  For too many years the process for freedom and recognition of our political freedom fighters has been buried in a legal process that has been based on distinguishing untangling the criminal act from political intent with no allowance for political motivation to be considered in judicial proceedings.

The TRC that addresses our specific reality legally and politically must be based on the same foundations of an alternative dispute mechanism (an alternative to a judicial process, a political process offering something to both parties) that would require that the left and right of our movement to come to a political conclusion also that the right should be willing to acknowledge that New African/black political prisoners do exist and they waged legitimate resistance to oppression, in the civil rights Black liberation era and is deserving of their support.

It’s important to mention when Ambassador Andrew Young publicly proclaimed in 1979 before an International audience that there were hundreds of political prisoners in America. He expended all of his political capital even President Jimmy Carter could not save his job. Cynthia McKinney suffered a similar defeat when she held the Co-intel-pro hearings.

The political capital necessary to support our specific style of TRC is not dissimilar to South African model, which also confronted specific political challenge on the left and right of the anti-imperialist/apartheid movement.

Our movement must accept our sojourn of struggle consisted of both legal and “illegal” tactics (but legitimate under international law).  The context of the US legal system is designed to ignore on the one hand the oppression and on the other the right of those to resist that oppression irrespective of the findings of the Church Committee or revelation of Co-intel-pro without a process to resolve the fundamental that addresses the freedom of our PP’s or POW or that memorializes the history that provides a relief for the victims of the quasi-apartheid system in the U.S.

Brother Mumia Abu Jamal presents a crisis in our movement to prevent his execution.  It’s at a critical stage.  There have been heroic efforts on the International support level as well as within the US court system; he is in need of a process because none of the above has gained any relief.

As of the last 3 decades no Black/New African freedom fighters has received amnesty politically from executive branch or judicially on a state level. The Mississippi Rider received exoneration after 50 years, I’m not sure if it was from the state of Mississippi or the government of the United States. I do think many of our efforts on the International Tribunal front did create pressure that gained the freedom of Puerto Ricans PP’s and POW and white anti-imperialist in the United States. This could be considered the Clinton era.

The era that represented the civil rights/Black New African liberation struggle is now becoming a fading memory.  It’s our responsibility to not let that happen.

From the 1960’s we followed the Malcolm X doctrine, we were rightfully inclined to pursuing a posture that looked toward an International body to resolve the internal contradictions with the United States.

Pre-1990’s this rationale was the correct perspective because International NGO’s, non-aligned nations and human rights advocates did in fact impact various internal conflicts around the world.

Process

The US posture of sanctions and embargoes has intimidated other nations from confronting US support for fascist regimes as well as holding racist regimes against international intervention. The application of International law against violations of human rights was treaded upon cautiously by nations and NGO’s that did not want to incur the wrath of US foreign policy.

In that era Malcolm X was right, as long as the nonaligned nations maintained a principle position in the various world body there was a support mechanism for our struggle in presenting the International body with the human rights violations of the US government but when non aligned nations dissolved and unity unraveled around the world our struggle in the US felt the consequences tremendously because there was no International body to support our struggle, therefore we should have evolved a new tactic and analysis of our plight and put forward a new or parallel strategy.

As I noted before the 1979 admission bay ambassador Andrew Young that there existed hundreds of political prisoners in the US resulted in his termination at the post of UN representative to the United Nations.

In the convening years most black elected officials took a public and private position as to our existence. It was not unusual for some state representative’s to give support to celebrated cases of PP’s and POW or show for PP’s support committees but its very rare did they petitioned the government or introduced legislation that could create a process to free PP’s and POW’s.

The exceptions are important to mention:  In September 14, 2000 Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney held a forum before the congressional black caucus forcing them to take apposition on the unfinished story of political prisoners and victims of Co-intel-pro in Washington, DC with congressman John Conyers leadership.

November 27, 2000 at the request of the honorable Brother Sonny Abudidika Carson congressman Charles Rangel requested directly to President William J. Clinton for him to pardon black political prisoners of which he listed 11 black/new African PP’s and POW with a copy to John Podesta.

The offices of the Clinton White house acknowledged receipt and promised to give it a meaningful consideration.  The reply came on December 21, 2000 from Kay Castevens, deputy assistant to President Clinton.

There was an attempt by the Jericho committee, attorney Bob Boyle and attorney Saffiyah Elijah to do the same within a different context.

Before leaving office in 2000, President Clinton freed Puerto Rican Freedom fighters and three white anti-imperialist comrades, a great victory indeed.

In order to reasonable move toward an process to free our PP’s and POW we must solicit on a local and national level black politicians that will be willing to present the narrative that outlines a process which demands our freedom – not slogans.

Councilman Charles Barron 2002 campaign of amnesty for NY black political prisoners established a political narrative that did enlist allies from within our ranks that have been elected to public offices.

The pardon approach does speak to an alternative instead of purely relying on the benevolence of this legal process to resolve this political prisoner paradigm.

The question: a Truth remains, in light of our efforts to secure pardon and/or amnesty or legal acknowledgement, is have we failed?  We must now make a critical analysis of which process is possible, where can we draw a meaningful parallel example that will work? And develop it to meet our unique conditions.

I believe the application of TRC “brand” with an alternative dispute mechanism process that address the complexity of the para-military issues of the New African/Black Paradigm is doable.  The question: Is there a possibility of amnesty through a TRC that highlights a progressive process made in light of the many sacrifices of our people and freedom fighters, a legitimate transition that averts continued political/military conflict persisting during the black liberation struggle era?  Or as in Northern Ireland, will it signal an end of the past stage of the “troubles” while the political process is taking form?

Amnesty is not punishment for wrongs, either to individual or a society.  It is a political remedy at a national level at a certain stage of an internal conflict in a nation state.  It’s a political remedy at a national level to begin reconciliation and rebuilding a divided society through a TRC process.

If we accept this process it will still leave outstanding political moral and principle issues the question of reparations for the violations of human rights, Jim Crow segregation, quasi-apartheid, Coin-tel-pro, low-intensity warfare.  All of the above violations set the stage that establishes resistance from our Freedom Fighters, when civil disobedience was confronted with state violations.

The above rational and form of resistance was envisioned when the United Nations codified the additional protocol I and II to the Geneva Convention of 1977. President Jimmy Carter signed it into law at the time when Andrew Young was US ambassador to the U.N.

Under various International experience many other internal conflicts have used similar a TRC processes from 1974 to 1999, see Priscilla B. Haynor Fifteen Truth Commission human right quarterly 597 (1994) with different formulas and standards

So again, the principles that qualify our political prisoners and prisoners of war as candidates for amnesty, stem from the South African concept of a political offense drafted by Carl Aage Noorgard, a Danish national and president of the European Commission on Human rights, the foundation he drafted as guidelines defining the concept of political prisoners for use in the Namibia Settlement to be applied in a context of reconciliation.  The qualifications were based on the concept of political offenses found in extradition law.  The concept adopted by the South African TRC in 1990.

Full disclosure in 1986, during the trial of Dr. Mutulu Shakur and Marilyn Buck, revolutionary armed task force “Brinks” case Mutulu Shakur and black/New African PP’s were at that time defining a process searching for a standard that would parallel our POW petition submission to the trial court Judge Charles Haight, hoping for a jury charge that would allow the jury to consider political motive and the political nature of the acts charged in the indictment.

Political offense exceptions are the International test that establishes the political offense as distinguished from criminal acts vs. political crimes.  There two types of political offenses exceptions the “pure” political offenses that involves acts directed solely against the state such as treason, espionage and sedition and the “relative” political offenses in which the act is a common crime so connected with a political act that the entire offense is regarded political.

We set before the court in our POW POEE petition two interrelated but distinct arguments 1.  The prisoners of war petition applied to Dr. Shakur and 2.  The applicability to present indictment (1981) against both defendants of the political offense exception.  He requested the court to address the proposed relief for each argument separately.

The government response is instructive.  The court order of the government to answer issues about whether the 1977 protocols to the 1949 Geneva Conventions on Prisoners Of War (16 UST 3316 TIAS No. 3364 are applicable and whether it would be appropriate for the court to evaluate the act charged as part of an armed conflict.

In our cases the prosecution’s witness had testified to the completely political goals the participants in the alleged offenses held.

Further the fact that Judge Abraham Sofaer, legal adviser to the department of State as well as attorney for the department of the Army and the department of defenses answered Judge Charles Haight’s question rather than the criminal division of the United States Attorney Office indicated the US executive branch recognized the intensely political context of the cases.

The political offenses found in extradition law, we argued should be the basis for the jury to determine political motive both petitions were denied after a lengthy hearing, which addressed the third question the judge posed:
“Was whether the 1977 protocol reflected the current state of International law on the issue of when prisoner of war status treaties such as the American Convention on Human rights that afford even wider protection to those captured pursuant to armed conflict” This is one example of the black/New African political prisoner to define their principle motive and status, in an attempt to embrace a process that establishes an objective criteria for political motive and a class of Black /New African Freedom Fighters under International standards.

The list of the honorable PP’s and POW’s who helped to prepare the above POW and POEE is an indication of the comprehensive voice for such a strategy.

If we look at the guidelines of the Norgaard Principles there is few distinctions between the two applications, the US black/New African PP’s and POW and the South African process.

Norgaard Priciples:
Motivation of the offender
Circumstances
Nature of the political objectives
Legal and factual nature of the offenses
The object of the offense
The relationship between the offense and its political objective (directness, proximity, proportionality)

Act’s requirement:  it is an act associates with a political objective committed in the course of the conflict of the past and applicants have made a full disclosure of relevant facts.
Acts covers acts against the state and acts of liberation organizations, against each other, acts of state against liberation movements and acts of state against other states.  It includes armed and security forces of the state, as well as Inter-organizational conflict acts, excludes offense committed for personal gain or out of personal malice.

Our brief was prepared by Mutulu shakur, Marilyn Buck and their allies and comrades listed below:

1. Elmor Geronimo Pratt, San Quentin State Prison
2. Albert Nuh Washington, Albern State Prison
3. Sekou Abdullah Odinga, Leavenworth Federal Prison
4. Cecilio Chui Ferguson-El, Lewisberg Federal Prison
5. Susan Rosenberg, Lexington Kentucky Federal Prison
6. David Gilbert, Clinton State Prison

So our position on TRDC is not only its application in South African reality rather our PP and POW struggle construction of a process predates Carl Norgaard correct analysis.

In 1986 we stated the objective of the PP’s and POW, POEE application we present this brief in the interest of al political prisoners, freedom fighters and prisoners of war who have been denied the protection of international law, and have unjustly suffered criminalization of their participation in the liberation struggle.  It is toward a just recognition of their sacrifices and just resolution of this conflict that this brief is filed.

Dr. Mutulu Shakur.
April 27, 1988

There are still very pressing material conditions that our people faces that must be resolved the TRC is not to be the answer for the overall struggle.  The struggle will continue in whatever form the people will.  The outstanding issue of reconciliation will be the question of reparations and the freedom of our political prisoners.  Barack Obama’s election has established a symbolic milestone in the minds and hearts of our people, a view of a new political reality that changes the narrative of the black liberation movement. Will.

I think it also provides a strong case for a TRC argument that addresses the BLM decade of conflict, we fought in the liberation struggle.   So how do we distinguish our TRC process from the ongoing political prisoners defense committee work, can we realize a vertical approach?

The mantra “search for the truth and closure” our vision of TRC through its amnesty process is /could be statutorily permitted to intervene in the judicial process both procedurally and substantively, as in Mumia Abu Jamal case, which seems to have run its legal course procedurally.

The commission would not be a substitute for criminal justice.  It is not judicial body where objective is to dispute legal justice.  The commission serves a specific political objective as the product of a negotiated settlement with the granting of amnesty for acts of past as it’s control point.

The alternative dispute mechanism functions as an alternative to the judicial process aiming to achieve a solution that offers something to both parties, but not determining which of the parties is the “winner”.  I define the ADM again because I know it’s a great political lead that must be weighed strategically.

The TRC generally is not the conventional alternative dispute mechanism from this stage in our conflict.  Human Rights violations which included murders, torture, illegal detention, COINTELPRO, low-intensity warfare, are all acts by agents of the government they could/would receive amnesty with this process.  The act charged against our PP’s and POW’s, our exiles and freedom fighters could as well receive amnesty under reconciliation.

The questions:

• Do we have the political capital to convince the black legislature?
• Do we impact the masses of Black people that such a process and resolution is in our best interest and that it honors our struggle?
• Is the Obama factor a realistic change in the political narrative to push for TRC at this time if not, when?
• Can we have a broader coalition to promote the process among the younger generation?
• Can we build a strong interfaith coalition?

Personalities that have demonstrated interest in the question of PP’s and POW must be surveyed.

As I’ve said before the Brother Charles Barron, Irv Joyner, North Carolina, TRC, sister Cynthia McKinney, Sister Maxine Waters, Quincy Jones, Rev. Jeremiah Wright, we are standing in a special place in history, this process will take hard work internally and externally.  Finally, “ it is said in the bible in the book of Leviticus, that every 50 years prisoners should be freed and all debts forgiven, this is the 50th anniversary of the freedom fighters.

Nations neglect no people more shamefully than the heroes of their wars – are we a Black Nation? Will we do the same?

Stiff Resistance,
Dr. Mutulu Shakur

The establishment of Africom command by the Bush Administration has Imperialist objective which has been openly rejected by most African State can not be allowed to evolve under the Obama administration.

The urgency for our activist group to be proactive cannot be overstated. Particularly in this period of overlapping transitional stage into the Barak Obama Administration.

A racist vindictive retaliatory agenda is being waged in the congressional House of Representatives and in the Senate by the Republican Party (Although not exclusively), To manipulate and influence intervention and economic military strategy to re-determine various outcome of states of African Nations under Africom’s mission.

Congressmen from Districts with little to no Black/New African constituency have been placed in the National Intelligence Assessment Committee with oversight subcommittee over covert operation in Africa as a part of Africom’s mission.

Their objective reflected by these questions is a white backlash, by developing justification for covert operation internationally so as to interject into the internal affairs of African states setting the stage for US imperialism of the 21st century Africa during the Obama presidency, testing, juxtaposing Obama United States interest irrespective of the African crisis.

It goes without saying that African leadership leaves a lot to be desired. That does not exonerate us from our obligation to distinguish US foreign policy under Barak Obama Era. The world economic forum in Desvo Switzerland was telling, requiring a critical analysis of the African leadership on the world stage. What was also revealing is that all of the western nations have a Zimbabwe fetish – why? Particularly in light of the many challenges and internal conflicts that African states experience trying to fit the western democracy, Zimbabwe represents a crucial question as to rectifying for years of racial apartheid on the key issue of land distribution. A commitment made by the united states and Briton as a imperative element for peaceful transition that has as a promise after all
these years since 1980 yet to be fulfilled.

Now to confront a policy initiative in light of the existing background in not only unique to Zimbabwe in the Horn of Africa The lesson presented in the government of south African model titled “The Black Economic Development Point System” while it address some of the principle in question at the business level post liberation expectation the land distribution is a mess.

The New African Policy initiative lobby (NAPIL) must resolve to change policy issue of America and it allies who drag their feet, prolonging the post apartheid solution designed to evolve the quality of life after years of human rights violations. The failure has made the question of land ownership in southern Africa an issue for the black electorate and human right advocates. The many issues that should trigger our moral obligations such as human rights, rape of women, disaster relief, infrastructure development, perpetual war, agricultural underdevelopment all of the above that can undermine the present potential in Africa’s renaissance. Surely while the world is suffering from an economic meltdown, opportunities are created for underdeveloped nations to be apart of the global restructuring on Africa. We must not relinquish our responsibility to monitor and check for any hidden agenda in the United States by racist operative working in the United States house of representative and senate to undermine its possibility. The responsibilities of monitoring the US policies responding to that are not only particular to the African continent but the African Diaspora worldwide is a daunting task. The history of the Atlantic slave trade and western imperialism and colonialism support a prevailing thinking that still exist today; that the lives and conditions of Africans on the continent and of the Diaspora are not as valuable as western Europeans and should not expect human dignity with 33 million Africans living outside of Africa along with the Diaspora.

It’s past time for a change in the paradigm.

Operational Objective N.A.P.I.L. is the development of activist committees through the process of critical thinking, establishing the research preparation, exposure and monitoring focus groups to prevent congressional operatives from moving an agenda on Africom without our input, that conflict with our develop interest.

With 53 nations on the continent even if Sudan and Somalia are apart of the Arab League Africans and the Black Electorate have to take some responsibility. The plan in development to build a African standby force to create a permanent peacekeeping force for Africa which could be deployed on emergency basis will act as a stabilizer in time of conflict by the African Union is the indicator that Africa is moving in the right direction and opens the door for foreign inclusion all have been including South America particularly Brazil. The NAPIL must see how strong policy push in the legislature can hold this Pan African priority.

The Congressional Black Caucus as an apparatus must be requested to provide to our researcher the government policy of Africom for review. It should also be recommended that the CBC call for public review of any policy and allows for transparent interaction and discussion where recommendations of policy of African standby force development is enhanced, paralleling Africom’s intention and that works out and is consistent with the African Union Objective.

The establishment of an Africom open policy focus group must make contact with the various African nation states and sub groups operating on the continent as well as all the NGO relief groups where we formulate a foreign affair agenda to Africom. We must not let an justification or debate on any economic sanctions or military intervention on war crimes until national or international standard of what qualified as war crime which is not unilateral and the addition of CBC representative of said advocacy in the house and gain some voice for debate in the senate were there exist no Black representative of our views on policy position that reject intervention.

Our policy research group should obtain from the state department under the Obama administration their policy on African states in general and Africom mission in particular.

The African union delegation at the united nation can provide some understanding of Africom mission ambassador Susan Rice United State UN representative has a moral obligation for dialogue in light of her position during the Clinton dministration that refuse to intervene in the Rwanda genocide. One example confounding many African Diplomats in Southern Africa is ambassador Susan Rice’s position taken on the Kenyan crisis power sharing with all the many lives lost by violence. Dr. Rice has encouraged through the American ambassador for Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to reject the negotiations for power sharing so that the issue of Zimbabwe’s future would be referred to the United Nation’s Security Council. Where U.S., Britain and Canada all have veto power, as opposed to allowing the region to solve their issues through S.A.D.C.

Southern African Democratic Country. Knowing full well sanctions, the western nations first reaction in Zimbabwe, which will have a negative effect on the entire region. Telling, the unfortunate accident of Susan Tsvangirai the wife of organ Tsvangirai right after the agreement had been reached at the dismay of the west. Became an issue raised by the west to cause suspicion of foul play toward ZANUPF and President Robert Mugabe. While in fact the footprint of MI6 and the CIA is more evident. Only an international investigation will determine. In any event the misinformation by the West backfired and exposed the real intent of the West of intervention and it consolidate the agreement of the Zimbabwe people and their party NAPIL must make some sense of the right issue to make the African electorate in the united states more informed. The blame falls on our own lack of oversight and political use of our international obligation assets. We lack the power to apply pressure where and when Clinton was the “black president” and had no pressure to respond to black Pan African issues. The real “change we can believe in” is the change to impact on justice and human suffering everywhere but in particular in our home land similar to when the Jewish citizen impact on Israel.

South Africa’s land reform effort post 1994 election is still a ticking bomb. There has been only a 5% white owned land transferred to the Black majority, still leaving 80% of the land owned by whites.

A million people have been illegally evicted by land owners in rural south Africa since 1994 at a time of global food crisis, South Africa has become a net importerof food after decades of being a net exporter of food with the owner slowing production and reinvesting not in South Africa but in places like Australia.

The consequences of land reform failure is growing protest and violence, 10,000 rallies between 2005-2007 for lack of housing as well as xenophobia rallies of violence against Africans of region states in South Africa. If in June 2013, 100 years from the implementation of the “native land act” of 1913 where 87% of the land became the sole property of white after the then legal forces removal of the thousands of African Families and there is no solution critical of Robert Mugabe attempt to address the problem or not if he survives. He will become the hero of the Southern African region for at least trying to right the wrong of the land question. Are we willing to stand by for sanctions of South Africa for the failure of the West to live up to agreements to resolve the land question.

Malcolm X “ If you are not careful the news will have you hating people who are opposed and loving the people who are doing the oppressing.

IT should be no brainer that the CBC enlist the majority whip James Claybourn and Rep. Donald Payne, to appoint a freshman member for that matter any representative that is in line with the perspective of non military intervention in African and a basic search for a balanced allocation and distribution of US aid infrastructure development and other
resources to improve the quality of life that reflects our thinking political status and contribution in this country.
It should be our position that there exists no contradiction for our representative to have as priorities the economic domestic crisis in the US as well as the oversight for African foreign policy, in fact oversight for the Diaspora on the international agenda. In this new global reality it’s both political and economically prudent that there are other ethnic groups who represent these foreign agenda more than their domestic constituency.

During this meltdown the Israel lobby continues to assure millions of dollars a day goes to support the state of Isreal. They see no space between the two nor should we with our political power comes responsibility.

The stated objective for Africom “will coordinate all US military activity across Africa and is responsible for military relations with 53 African countries excluding Egypt.” I guess one wonders why? Upon critical review one understands there is no way central command which cover the Middle East, Central Asia that based in Florida is not monitored by Israel lobby in America, their congressional representative will not allow any decisions in subcommittees that are not in line with Israel interest. No sanctions military intervention, military training or economic aid in the middle east. No enemy of Israel real or perceived will be allowed to get a foothold to alter their design direction in the House of Representatives. My remarks are not intended to address Zionism rather a critical look at the proper use of electoral power that impacts on foreign policy. A strategy that we must now have to engage in as a mature political forces like the Cuban of Florida, and the Irish, “A change we can believe in” for real. There already existing skepticism about this mission in Africa folks in the house of Representative believe there is a hidden agenda to secure oil fight terrorist out flank China and to continue perpetual war in support of the military industrial complex who lobby for these misadventures. The continued use of al Queda as the bogie man cannot be the straw horse for intervention in Africa just because someone says Allah Akbar. That policy had Africom military operations moving for regions change in Somalia’s Islamic government, the government that had initially been responsible for halting piracy from 2005 to 2006. The end result was the emergence of not respected dysfunctional government, which resurrected the rise of piracy.

The international community has agreed that the dysfunctional government can’t allow piracy to exist off the coast of Aden, effecting the worldwide shipping and economy without military consequence.

Keeping in mind that same International maritime company took advantage of a government and people unpunished for what became the birth of piracy. The surge of piracy has been blamed on Somalian National Volunteer Coast Guard, one of the first pirate groups. It was formed by a group of fisherman who used small guns broken speed boats in an effort to protect their coast line by chasing away vessel they believed were illegally fishing and dumping waste in Somalia’s waters, killing and drying up fish and food supply a rag tag group of young men doing their patriotic duty. The appalling living conditions drive the desperate (rational or not) young Somali to risk their lives and freedom. In which 80% of the population is still living in hell with an ocean view. Similar scenario repeated in many places around the world for those of the Diaspora. Is this a condition of manipulation or design so as not to allow the Somali to realize an economic development possibility by the development of a thriving seaport of Adrian? The piracy issue in Somalia is a military issue because its in need of a realistic economic development plan with dignity.

It should be noted that Rep. Donald Payne was discouraged by the US State Department from going to Mogadishu during the intense period of the Mersek Alabama ship hijacking. In search for a African union and the new Somalian government involvement in the situation. Courageously Rep. Payne succeeds the protection and assurance of the African Union and a general of a African nation to proceed. It was reported that upon departure some form of rocket attacked representative Payne’s plane. This being a not too subtle reminder from the State Department for the CBC to stay out of the National Intelligence Assessment Committee backyard. If we recall it was the same attitude that had many of our people believe that Rep. Cynthia McKinney was not working in our best interest, similar that was attempted against Rep Maxine Waters and Randall Robinson intervening to prevent the assassinations of the then President of Haiti President Aristide. Dialogue with the CBC and general William Ward should be the oversight process to determine his understanding of his mission (who happens to be black) and impress upon him our concerns by what the 21st century strategic engagement under the Barak Obama era. That should be distinguished from the Bush administration. The 300-pound guerillas in the debate are these; Does the International criminal court in The Hague only indict African bad actors? Do we see a role for US military in Dafur, the Congo, Uganda, should military aid be a condition for humanitarian support.

Many of these questions and more should be must be debated factually in our Harlem great debate and all over the country in workshops that internationalize the new political involvement. A coalition of concern organizations who are task motivated for research preparation lobbying exposure and monitoring of Africom. This must be a fact driven process with mobilization with clear focus to accomplish political pressure.

Our overriding objective within the context of this historical political period is to not allow Africom to become an apparatus of 21st century US imperialism in Africa under leadership of President Barck Obama.

1. It’s important that this task favor young people leadership (not exclusively).
2. That they learn the lesson of Africa colonization and US imperialism so they know it when they see it. The study of Randall Robinson work is instructive as well as Dambisa Mayo’s book, Dead Aid.
3. That critical analysis of the various competing political conflicts be reviewed.
4. Young activists who participated in the Obama campaign and local election with candidate with a working understanding of civil involvement.
5. Technical geek college students for investigative journalism development of position paper research of alternative press “The New African”.
6. Hip Hop community activist are most internally aware of the geo-political theatre and generally have international contact perspective.
7. The young promising elected official who won with the aid of activist young people in local districts should use Cynthia McKinney, Maxine Waters, Rep. Donald Payne and Barbara Lee as mentor and research who in the Senate has our perspective.
8. As our coalition matures and become predictable we should include other human rights coalitions.
9. Complicated as the challenges represent in light of the uneven development of the emerging African Nation states NAPIL objective is to formulate an idea that encompasses the totality of the direction guide by principle and policy address a Pan African responsibility within the US legislature format, assisting Africa and the Diaspora into the 21st Century at the pace of the other continents. There are many very important developmental steps taken by a number of nations in Africa models for investments and inventions to improve the quality of life in Ghana, Botswana etc., which we should promote, and support. Aim high and go all out!

Stiff resistance
Dr. Mutulu Shakur

SOURCE: New African Magazine

Mutulu was transferred out of Coleman II Federal Prison in Florida on March 15, 2007: (1) to sabotage and derail a parole hearing that had been scheduled for May and (2) to end the positive educational and cultural programming activities that he has spearheaded since his incarceration.

The Moves

Since March 15, 2007 (and as of this writing 9/07) Mutulu has been moved four times:

• 3/07 to Pollock, Louisiana
• 4/07 to Atlanta, GA
• 5/07 to Oklahoma City, OK
• 6/07 to Florence, CO (a super maximum-security facility)

The Pretext

The stated purpose of the investigation and interrogation by the Federal Bureau of Prisons (FBOP) was to:

• determine what Mutulu knew of how a film clip of a workshop held at the July 29, 2006 ‘Hip-Hop Summit’ at Coleman got on MySpace.com and how a DVD of the ‘Hip-Hop Summit’ was being sold on the street in Atlanta.
• that Mutulu made a video for personal gain.
• that he was running a business while incarcerated, namely the Dare To Struggle website.

Outcome of Investigation

After all the smoke cleared the final write up had to do with re-issue of the Dare To Struggle CD (a not-for-profit project from the start), which was actually done while Mutulu was in Atlanta, and an alleged coded phone conversation with a supporter while at Pollock. There was nothing in the final write up about videos. And there was nothing about his conduct at Coleman.

Political Purges and Retaliation Within the Prison

FCC Coleman is the largest prison complex in the United States with 8,000 prisoners in five facilities; two maximum, a medium, and low security male facilities and a women’s camp. Carlisle Holder, The warden of the maximum security prison where Dr. Shakur was incarcerated, worked with him and other socially conscious inmates to develop educational and cultural programs. This approach has been effective in terms of rehabilitation and maintaining peace. USP II, managed by Warden Holder, has experienced little violence while USP I, the other maximum security prison in the Coleman Complex, remains under lock down with constant violence, deaths and stabbings.

Since March 2007 Bureau of Prisons officials have interrogated, harassed, demoted, and purged Warden Holder and members of his staff. In addition prisoners who worked with Mutulu have been transferred to other facilities. This purge and retaliation is motivated by Justice Department and FBOP opposition to educational and cultural programs that have a life changing impact on the transformation of dozens of men, particularly youth from a criminal mentality to liberation consciousness. Obviously constant violence and hostility is preferred to rehabilitation and peace. Cultural and educational programming has been suspended at the facility and can only be approved from the FBOP regional office. The only programming allowed is religious programming.

Parole

We believe the Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Prisons were concerned that Mutulu would receive support from Warden Holder and other prison staff for his parole application. In February 2007 prior to the move, Mutulu’s unit managers had made a recommendation for custody decrease which would have made him eligible for transfer to a medium security facility. These factors had the potential of resulting in a favorable recommendation by the hearing officer. While the BOP has ignored recommendations from its own hearing officers in the past with regard to Mutulu it still might be embarrassing to have another positive recommendation documented. And so, they fabricated charges to get him transferred and the prison purged of officials who supported his work.

Mutulu decided not to go for a hearing in May. As a result of the moves he was separated from his possessions and files and would not have been able to prepare adequately for a parole hearing. We expect a hearing in December.

What Can You Do?

Mutulu needs support on many levels, so there are a number of ways that you can contribute to this struggle for justice and human rights!

WRITE Mutulu.

Please show him that he has a community of love and support, and that his sacrifices for our People have not been in vain. Oppose the attempts to isolate him. You can write to Mutulu at:

Dr. Mutulu Shakur 83205-012
USP FLORENCE ADMAX
U.S. PENITENTIARY
P.O. BOX 8500
FLORENCE, COLORADO
81266, USA

CONTACT Bureau of Prison Officials:

Write to the regional and national directors of the Federal Bureau of Prisons requesting Mutulu’s transfer to a medium security facility:

Harley G. Lappin, Director
Federal Bureau of Prisons
320 First St., NW
Washington, DC
20534, USA

Michael N. Nalley
Regional Director, North Central Region
North Central Regional Office
Federal Bureau of Prisons
400 State Ave., Suite 800
Kansas City, Kansas
66101, USA

DONATE to Mutulu Shakur’s LEGAL FUND:

Mutulu’s attorneys give selflessly of themselves, defending him without compensation, and often at their own financial expense. Please support the legal defense of our warrior Mutulu. Make checks payable to IFCO/FFMS and mail to:

Family and Friends of Dr. Mutulu Shakur
P.O. Box 3171, Manhattanville Station
New York, New York
10027, USA

Write a SUPPORT LETTER for Mutulu’s PAROLE!

Parole letters may be e-mailed to: Parole letters may be e-mailed to: mxgrm_atl@yahoo.com, faxed to: 404-288-8786, or mailed to:

Malcolm X Grassroots Movement
PO Box 361270
Decatur, Georgia
30026, USA

We want to assure you that we have kept any support letters sent in anticipation of the June hearing and those will be presented in December.

Letters supporting Dr. Shakur’s parole might want to take into account his history of service to the community including:

• Employment at the Lincoln Detoxification Community (addiction treatment) Program as a political education instructor. His role evolved to include counseling and treatment of withdrawal symptoms with acupuncture.
• Managing a detoxification program recognized as the largest and most effective of its kind by the National Institute of Drug Abuse, National Acupuncture Research Society and the World Academic Society of Acupuncture.
• Treating thousands of poor and elderly patients who would otherwise have no access to acupunctural treatment.
• Developing the anti-drug program for the Charles Cobb Commission for Racial Justice for the National Council of Churches.

Since he has been incarcerated:

• Dr. Shakur has worked to promote education among other inmates and has participated in efforts to promote unity between prisoners from different regions, religious, ethnic and cultural affiliations in institutions where he was imprisoned.
• At each institution where Dr. Shakur has been incarcerated he has worked with other inmates, staff, and community artists, activists, and intellectuals to create educational and cultural programs as a vehicle to encourage positive development for the incarcerated, particularly Black and Latino youth. If you participated in these programs, please speak about your experiences and observations.
• During his incarceration he has sought peaceful means to resolve conflict.
• Based upon the above points indicate he will be a productive and positive influence in any community where he resides. Also, the charges for which he was convicted were politically motivated and related to a political climate in which the aim was to eliminate racial discrimination and injustice. Dr. Shakur has advocated efforts to bring about reconciliation from the conflict of that period. Keep in mind we are not trying to convert the Federal Parole Board to a particular ideology or campaign, but to secure freedom from incarceration for Dr. Shakur.

In the recent words of Dr. Mutulu Shakur, “When we stop and don’t move and become paralyzed by the present, we don’t deserve the future.”